https://etalpykla.lituanistikadb.lt/object/LT-LDB-0001:J.04~2021~1648978807931/J.04~2021~1648978807931.pdf

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B A L T I S T I C A LV I (2) 2 0 2 1 197–219
doi: 10.15388/Baltistica.56.2.2434

D a n i el PE T I T
École normale supérieure, École pratique des hautes études, Université PSL, Paris

Abstract. Traditionally the Baltic name of the ‘sky’ (Lith. dangùs, Old Pr. dangus) is explained as derived from the verb deñgti ‘to cover’,based on the assumption that the sky was conceived of as a kind of curved surface covering the world. However,this traditional approach has left two questions open until now:

(1) how to explain the formation of the word dangus, which is more akin to that of an adjective than to that
of a noun;

(2) how to reconstruct the PIE prehistory of this Baltic lexical family. The aim of this paper is to discuss both the morphological and the semantic structure of the word dangus and to explain all its features, by proposing a new hypothesis on its origin and development.

Keywords: Lithuanian; etymology; historical linguistics.

Da empöre sich der Mensch! Es schlage
An des Himmels Wölbung seine Klage.
(AP)

I. Introduction

The Baltic name of the ‘sky’ shared by Lithuanian (dangùs) and Old Prussian (dangus) is usually regarded as a Common Baltic innovation, even if it was replaced in Latvian by another word (debess < ‘cloud’), and there seems to be broad agreement on its derivation from a verb ‘to cover’, directly reflected by Lithuanian deñgti and traced back to a PIE root *dhengh- ‘to cover’.

This view, which is repeatedly taught in most handbooks and etymological dictionaries, goes back at least to Johann Severin Vater (1821, 163), who derived Lithuanian dangùs and Old Prussian dangus from Lith. deñgti.1 

The motivation underlying this etymology is very often left implicit or taken for granted, as if the representation of the celestial vault as a kind of ceiling covering the earth or as a kind of sheet pulled over the world were so self-evident that it could be unnecessary to back it up with positive arguments. 

1 Vater (1821, 163): ‘das Wort Dangus komt her von dangti [sic], das ist, decken, gleichsam der Himmel ist eine Decke über der Erden’.

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In this paper I certainly do not intend to challenge or disprove this traditional etymology, but to provide a more accurate assessment of its motivation on two points. First, the formation of the Baltic word *dang-u- must be clarified, especially the function of the suffix *-u- in what appears to be a deverbative formation. Second, the meaning conveyed by the root of Lithuanian deñgti should be specified more precisely, and parallels from other Indo-European languages should be sought to increase the plausibility of this etymology.

II. The formation of Baltic *dangus

The correspondence between Lithuanian dangùs and Old Prussian dangus ‘sky’ allows for the reconstruction of a Common Baltic masculine noun *dangus. In Modern Lithuanian,dangùs belongs to accentual paradigm 4 (AP 4, mobile-oxtyone stress with circumflex root:acc.sg. dañgų,gen.sg. dangaũs), which is generally confirmed by the Old Lithuanian evidence, e.g. da̗gús (DP 714, etc. [1599]),gen.sg. da̗gaús (DK 717,etc. [1595]), da̗ngaús (DP 25210, etc. [1599]), loc.sg. da̗guiá (DK 6015, etc. [1595]), da̗guié (DP 739,etc. [1599]), etc. Traces of barytone stress (AP 1 or AP 2 with acute or circumflex root) are found in Daukša’s works (DK 1595 and DP 1599) and in the Anonymous Catechism (AC 1605), e.g. nom. sg. dá̗gus (DK 1639 [1595]), dá̗gus (DP 793, etc. [1599]), gen.sg. dá̗gaus (DP 3949, etc. [1599]), loc. sg. dá̗guieͣ (DK 3013, etc. [1595]), dá̗guie (DP 8730, etc. [1599]), Dúnguy (AC 944 [1605]).2

It its uncertain whether they can be regarded as sufficient proof for the exis-tence of a barytone *dángus (AP 1) or *dañgus (AP 2), as sometimes argued in the secondary literature. The Old Prussian data are inconclusive, since the word is always spelled without a macron in the Third Catechism (1561): dan-gus (III 3919,etc.[1561]),corresponding to dangus (EV3),dangus (I 711 [1545]).

Lithuanian dangùs and Old Prussian dangus share the same meaning, both in its atmospheric (‘sky’) and religious application (‘heaven’).In Old Lithuanian, dangùs sometimes occurs in the plural with a collective meaning, probably due to the influence of other languages, e.g. Old Lith. Tewe Musu kuris essi dangusu ‘Our Father who art in heaven’ (MŽ 236 [1547], inessive plural dangusu), cf. Latin Pater Noster qui es in caelis and Greek Πάτερ ἡμῶν ὁ ἐν τοῖς οὐρανοῖς.

2  Cf. S k a r d ž i u s (1935, 159–161), Z i n k e v i č i u s (1975, 25; 27), M i k u l ė n i e n ė (2005, 187).

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In addition to their basic meaning (corresponding to German Himmel, Polish niebo or Latin caelum), both the Old Prussian and the Lithuanian words have an anatomical meaning: ‘palate, roof of the mouth’.

In the Old Prussian Elbing Vocabulary (EV) the two meanings are separated as two different entries: the religious word Hemel Dangus ‘heaven, sky’ (EV 3) is placed between Engel Rapa ‘angel’ (EV2) and Gestirne Lauxnos ‘stars’ (EV4), whereas the anatomical word Gume Dangus ‘palate’ (EV 95) is placed between Cʒunge Insuwis ‘tongue’ (EV 94) and Kele cosy ‘throat’ (EV 96). The anatomical meaning is also known in a few Lithuanian dialects for dangùs (Alytus, Prienai, Vilkaviškis, and between Kelmė and Priekulė).3

It is tempting to regard the semantic duality of Baltic *dangus as the reflex of a common basic meaning ‘vault’ from which one could derive the two special meanings ‘sky, heaven’ (‘celestial vault’) and ‘palate’ (‘roof of the mouth’). But it is also possible to explain it, to a certain extent, by foreign influences: German dialects of East Prussia use Himmel both as ‘sky, heaven’ and as ‘palate’; the same relationship exists in Polish between niebo ‘sky, heaven’ and podniebienie ‘palate’ as well as in Russian between небо ‘sky, heaven’ and нëбо ‘palate’.

Traditionally, Lithuanian dangùs and Old Prussian dangus ‘sky, heaven’ are derived from a verb ‘to cover’ reflected by Lithuanian deñgti. Even if this derivation has met with broad acceptance since the 19th century, it must be recognized that the derivational pathway [R(e)-verb]→ [R(a)-u-noun] (R = root) is not supported by other parallels in Baltic. In Baltic, *-u-stem nouns can be of various origins.4 Some of them go back to neuter nouns (e.g. Lith. medùs ‘honey’ < PIE *medhu, still neuter in Old Prussian meddo, cf. Sanskrit mádhu), others are inherited from PIE as masculines (e.g. Lith. sūnùs ‘son’ < PIE *suH-nu-, cf. Sanskrit sūnú‑), others are likely to be secondary (e.g. loanwords like Lith. turgus ‘market’ ← Slavic *tŭrgŭ, Russian торг, of unknown origin, or Lith. midùs ‘mead’ ← Gothic *midu). "

[HM: Lithuanian turgus, Latvian tirgus, Finnish city Turku are not a Slavonic loans but Western Baltic / Venetic words.

"... Abltd. mit tvìrkti (-sta, kantabaltti) = joutua huonoille teille.

Parven perusmuoto kantabaltissa on tämä, merkitykset voivat olle kuitenkin muuttuneet:

https://www.zodynas.lt/terminu-zodynas/T/tverkti

tverkti = paikata, ommella (turkkurin, suutarin tapaan, tai huonosti), korjata, parsia, harsia. (Kaikki nuo sanat sattavat olla jostakin kaukaan samaa alkuperää.)

tver̃kti, -ia, -ė. prastai siūti = koota neulomalla (turkiksia, huonosti), kurpti = em. esim. nahkoja, kenkä, korjata kenkiä, preussin kurpe = kenkä.

sutver̃kti, -ia, sùtverkė. prastai susiūti, sukurpti: Tik ką sutverkta. = em.
 
Sana tulee kanta-indo-euroopan (PIE) juuresta *kʷ´er- = lyödä, tehdä töitä (raskaalla työkalulla), *s-kʷer = lyödä irti, (s)kʷer-s = hakata.

Äänteestä kʷ voi tylla eli kielihaaroissa mm. seuraavia äänteitä:

- kv, kw mm. latinassa, keltissä, veneetissä ja (itäisessä) vasarakirveskielessä, joista edelleen voi tulla mm. hv (gootti), šv (latvia),  k, v, w, eri sanoissa;

- tv, tw, t mm. preussissa, kreikassa

- p (kreikassa, latgallissa ym.)

Liettuassa on kolme työkalulla lyömistä tarkoittamaa verbiä, jotka tulevat tästä:

- kerti (keria, kerė) = lyödä kirveellä tai nuijalla, karsia, kuoria

- perti (peria, perė) = lyödä kepillä poikittain tai ruoskalla (linkissä eri olettamuksia)

- tverti (tveria, tverė) = lyödä kepillä, seipäällä päittäin, kiinnittää seipääseen naruun lävistämällä, valmistaa, valmistella (myyntiin), josta tverkti (tverkia) = ommella (nahkurin tai suutarin tapaan nahkaa, tai huonosti kangasta), törkätä, törkkiä.

Selvää pässinlihaa."... ]

" ... The origin of Lithuanian žmogùs ‘man’ is controversial. Special mention should be made of the class of masculine *-tu-derivatives, which has left a few traces in Baltic (e.g. Lith. lietùs ‘rain’ < PIE *leiH‑tu‑, cf. the Latin type gustus ‘taste’).

3 Cf. ALEW (I 174).
4 See S k a r d ž i u s (1943, 54–55) for Lithuanian and E n d z e l ī n s (1923, 325) for the few relics of *-u-stems in Latvian.

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The suffix *-iu- has a different structure: it is frequently used in nouns denoting professions (e.g. Lith. puõdžius ‘potter’) or elsewhere (e.g. Lith. vaĩsius ‘fruit’,secondary forms like Lith. ámžius ‘age’, or loanwords like Lith. karãlius ‘king’). None of these models can be applied to dangùs, which is characterized by two main features: it displays o-grade in its root (*ŏ > ă) and it is derived from a verb (deñgti). These features do not occur in any of the other *-u-stem nouns, which invites us to look for a different origin.

There is in Baltic a productive formation of *-u-adjectives. From an Indo-European point of view, *-u-adjectives originally displayed zero grade (e.g. PIE *pl̥th2‑ú‑ ‘broad, wide’ > Sanskrit prthú‑) and were integrated within the Caland system,in which they were linked, inter alia,to sigmatic abstract nouns (e.g. PIE *pléth2-e/os- ‘breadth, width’> Sanskrit práthas‑).5

In some cases,already at an early stage, they were secondarily connected with simple thematic verbs and could eventually imitate their vocalism, as in Sanskrit svādú‑ ‘sweet’ (<PIE *sweh2d‑ú‑) with irregular full grade probably due to the influence of svádati ‘to taste,to relish,to enjoy’ (< PIE *swéh2d-e/o-). This innovation is likely to be fairly ancient in Indo-European, as suggested by the fact that PIE *sweh2d‑ú‑ is also reflected with the same vocalism in other Indo-European languages (Greek ἡδύς [édus], Latin suāuis, Old Saxon swôti, Old High German suozi, Old English swēte); the verb PIE *swéh2d-e/o- itself also appears in Greek ἥδομαι [édomei] ‘to enjoy oneself’.

In the prehistory of Baltic,the Caland system ceased to be active (apart from a few relics) and *-u-adjectives modified their formation rule, adopting *o-grade and deverbative meaning. As a result, for example, PIE *pl̥th2‑ú‑ was replaced in Lithuanian by platùs (as if from PIE *ploth2‑ú‑), connected with the secondary verb plėsti, plečiù ‘to broaden, to expand’ (< PIE *pleth2-, only indirectly corresponding to Sanskrit práthati). In Lithuanian, the new derivational pattern [R(e)-verb] → [R(a)-u-adjective] enjoyed an outstanding productivity, as shown by the following examples:6

Lithuanian brandùs ‘ripe, mature, robust’ (← brėsti ‘to ripen’); našùs ‘fruitful, productive’ (← nèšti ‘to bring’); rambùs ‘slow, tardy, indolent’ (← rémbėti ‘to be lazy’); smarkùs ‘violent’ (← smerkti ‘to submerge, to plunge’); staigùs ‘sudden’ (← steĩgti ‘to hurry’); stalgùs ‘greedy, avidious’ (← stelgti ‘to watch eagerly’); stambùs ‘large, thick, fat’ (← stembti ‘to shoot out, to sprout’)

5 On *-u-adjectives in PIE, see especially d e L a m b e r t e r i e (1990).

6 See Va n a g s (1994) for a thorough discussion of the ablaut relationships.Vanags shows that, if there is a variation between a- and zero-grade in Baltic adjectives of this type (like Lith. smardùs / smirdùs ‘stinking’), the former is ancient, the latter innovative (after smirdėti ‘to stink’).

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The type must have existed in other Baltic languages as well.Old Prussian has a few possible instances7 such as āūgus ‘stingy, greedy’ (III 876 [1561]), probably for *angus (cf. Lith. éngti ‘to torment, to tease’), maybe also kārtai ‘bitter’ (III 9310 [1561]), obviously an a-stem nominative plural secondarily built on *kartus (= Lith. kartùs ‘bitter’), and preitlāngus ‘sweet’ (III 875), based on *langus (cf. Lith. leñgvas ‘easy’). Two other *-u-stem adjectives are likely to be attested in Old Prussian, gillin ‘deep’ (III 10112, acc.sg.fem. of *gilus = Lith. gilùs ‘deep’) and polīgu ‘similarly’ (adverb in III 5318, 1152, 11921, cf. I 1312, II 1312, or acc.sg. masc. pollīgun in III 694, pollīgon in III 10522-23 = Lith.lygùs),but they do not exhibit *o-grade in their root.In Latvian, *-u-adjectives disappeared and, as a rule, were replaced by *-ja- adjectives, e.g. Latv. dziļš ‘deep’ (from *giljas) compared with Lith. gilùs.Some of these adjectives have preserved their characteristic *o-grade,like Latv. plašs ‘broad, wide’ (from *platjas) compared with Lith. platùs,Latv. bruôžs ‘ripe, mature, robust’ (from *brandjas) compared with Lith.brandùs,or Latv. drùošs ‘bold, audacious’ (from *dransjas) compared with Lith. drąsùs. The existence of the [R(a)-u-] derivational model for *-u-adjectives in Baltic is indisputable.

There may be various reasons why *-u-adjectives have generally adopted *o-grade in Baltic. It is not necessary to claim for Indo-European antiquity (e.g. by assuming secondary connection with the perfect stem). The reshuffling of the derivational model is likely to be purely Baltic (or Balto-Slavic). An influence of *o-grade iterative verbs on *u-adjectives might be envisaged in some cases, e.g. Lith. badùs ‘prickly’ (cf. badýti ‘to prick’),grasùs ‘threatful’ (cf. grasýti ‘to threaten’), kratùs ‘jolting, rough’ (cf. kratýti ‘to jolt’), taikùs ‘peaceful’ (cf. taikyti ‘to mediate, to reconcile’), valgùs ‘hungry, having an appetite for eating’ (cf. válgyti ‘to eat’). It is undeniable that this secondary connection may have played a certain role in the productivity of this class of adjectives in Lithuanian, but this can hardly have been its original nucleus. One may assume that the connection with iteratives results from the characteristic *o-vocalism, not the reverse.
One of the reasons for the extension of *o-grade in the class of *-u-adjectives can be that *-u-adjectives often replaced *o-grade simple thematic adjectives of the type PIE [R(o)-ó-] (cf. Greek φορός [foros] ‘bearing, carrying’).

7  Cf. T r a u t m a n n (1910, 246).

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This hypothesis is not new and the shift of *-o-adjectives to *-u-adjectives is a process that has been well described in the secondary literature by Skardžius (1943, 33), Z i n ke v i č i u s (1981, 20), H a m p (1984), Va n a g s (1989) and A m b r a z a s (2011, 159), to mention just a few names. Originally, the PIE oxytone type [R(o)-ó-] was used to build agent nouns and adjectives with an active meaning beside barytone nouns of the type [R(ó)-o-], which had an abstract or passive meaning: this can be illustrated, inter alia, by Greek φόρος ‘the act of bringing, what is brought, tribute’ / φορός ‘carrying’. In PIE, the oxytone formation produced both agent nouns and ad-jectives with an active meaning. The Baltic languages seem to have split the two types. On the one hand, agent nouns were sometimes preserved as *-o-stems, e.g. Lith. gãnas ‘sheperd’ (< PIE *gʷʰon-ó- ‘the one hitting sheep to make them move forward’, cf. the verb giñti ‘to drive’), Lith. vãdas ‘leader’ (< PIE *uodh-ó- ‘the leading one’, cf. the verb vèsti ‘to lead’), Lith. sárgas ‘watchman, guard’ (< PIE *sorg-ó- ‘the protecting one’, cf. the verb sérgėti ‘to protect’) or even Lith. úodas ‘mosquito’ (< PIE *h1od-ó- ‘the eating one’, cf. the verb ėsti ‘to eat’). On the other hand,the corresponding adjectives mas- sively adopted the productive *-u-inflection: a clear example is PIE *h1orgʰ-ó- ‘rutting, in rut, excited’ (cf. Armenian որձ orj ‘male’, o-stem) > Baltic *aržás → Lithuanian aržùs ‘violent, lustful, libidinous’.8

The same split seems to have existed in Slavic, where [R(o)-ó-] agent nouns were sometimes preserved without substantial change (e.g. Old Church Slavic врагъ ‘foe’ < PIE *uorgh-ó-, compared with the Lithuanian abstract noun var-gas ‘hardship, misery’), whereas [R(o)-ó-] adjectives were usually reshuffled as *‑ŭ‑adjectives, themselves enlarged as *‑ŭ‑(kŭ)‑ (e.g. Old Church Slavic кратъкъ ‘short’ compared with Lith. kartùs ‘bitter’, bothfrom PIE *kert-  ‘to cut’).9

A striking parallel for this split between nouns and adjectives, although in the reverse direction, is provided by Ancient Greek, where the oxytone [R(o)-ó-] type was usually preserved in adjectives with an active meaning, but replaced in agent nouns by the productive formation in -εύς, compare Greek φορός ‘bearing, carrying’ (adjective) and *φορός → φορεύς ‘bearer, carrier’ (noun), τομός ‘cutting’ (adjective) and *τομός → τομεύς ‘carver’ (noun).

8 Cf. Pe t i t (2006, 356).
9 M a t a s o v i ć (2011, 68) for Common Slavic *vȏrgъ ‘foe’ and M e i l l e t (1905, 324–328) for the Common Slavic adjectival suffix *‑ŭkŭ.

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The parallelism in the evolution of this class of words is a textbook instance of morphological split:

In Greek, the innovation lies on the side of the agent nouns, in Baltic and Sla-vic on the side of the adjectives. The convergence between Baltic and Slavic is particularly remarkable and indicates that the change was already achieved, or at least was being developed, in Balto-Slavic. It is doubtless not without interest to observe that the distinction between nouns and adjectives, which was rather fluid in Indo-European, progressively came to form an organic boundary in this class of words both in Greek and in Balto-Slavic.10
The position of the Lithuanian noun dangùs in this system is intriguing. Taken at face value,the noun dangùs can be described as an agent noun (‘the one co- vering the world’ from deñgti), but formally it is much more akin to an adjec-tival form (*dangas replaced by *dangus ‘covering’).The contradiction we are facing here is only apparent and can be removed by taking into account the chronology of the morphological analysis. As already said, on the PIE level, the distinction between nouns and adjectives in this class of words was fluid (and probably more regulated by syntactic than by morphological parame-ters); this duality was certainly shared by the PIE form underlying the Baltic noun *dangus, whatever its shape. But, at the Baltic stage, this form was cer-tainly analyzed as an adjective: this is supposed by the fact that it was eventu- ally reshuffled as *dangus, which occurred only for adjectives. If it had been perceived as a noun, it would not have joined the *-u-class. If this analysis is correct, there is no alternative option than to assume that *dangus (replacing *dangas) was an adjective in Common Baltic and that this adjective, in a manner yet to be determined, was eventually used as a noun ‘sky, heaven’.
The most common way to change an adjective into a noun by morphological conversion (i.e. without additional morpheme) is ellipsis.

10 See the discussion in Va n a g s (1989, 116–117).

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Ellipsis can be roughly defined as ‘the omission of a substantive that an adjective was originally paired with, so that the adjective alone remains in substantivized meaning’, as H ö f l e r (2020, 182) puts it in a recent article. Globally speaking, two types of ellipsis can be distinguished, contextual and conventional ellipsis. Contextual ellipsis represents the omission of a substan-tive due to its previous mention in the immediate context.An English example provided by H ö f l e r (2020, 184) can illustrate this type of ellipsis: he gave me a glass of white wine,but I’d have preferred red. The substantivized adjec- tive red stands for red wine and the reason why the noun is omitted is that it was already mentioned before; it is easily recoverable from the context. On the other hand, conventional ellipsis represents the omission of a substantive that was not necessarily mentioned in the context, but whose semantic content can be recovered by means of a conventional knowledge shared by the speaker and the hearer. When I say in English the dead never come back, I suppose that everyone will understand it as the dead men never come back. Without any explicit specification, the adjective dead will be understood as referring to men. Over time, contextual ellipsis can become conventional and eventually result in lexicalization of the adjective as a fully-fledged substan-tive;at that stage the process of ellipsis is not perceived any longer.The French noun l’automobile ‘the car’ derives from la voiture automobile ‘the self-moving car, the car that moves by itself’, but I am not sure that every French speaker is aware of the ellipsis process underwent by the noun voiture ‘car’. Two points are particularly important for us here.

First, the meaning of the substantivized adjective may diverge more or less considerably from that of the underlying adjectival form, which results from the fact that it had to retrieve, or to assimilate if one prefers, the semantic con-tent of the deleted noun. Sometimes, it has simply adopted the meaning of the noun it was originally paired with, as in Latin dextra ‘the right [hand]’ (e.g. Caesar, De Bello Gallico 1, 20, 5: dextram prendit) from dextra manus ‘the right hand’ (e.g. Caesar, De Bello Gallico 5, 44, 8: dextram...manum): dextra describes a kind of hand (manus), i.e. the meaning of the noun was trans-ferred to the adjective, combined with the denotative meaning of the adjective which restricts its scope. It may happen that a substantivized adjective dis-plays different meanings,depending on the noun it replaces. In Ancient Greek, for example, ἡ ξένη ‘the foreign one’ can easily be interpreted as ‘the foreign country’ (e.g. Xenophon, Constitution of the Lacedemonians, 14, 4) or as ‘the foreign woman’ (e.g. Aeschylus, Agamemnon, 950), reflecting two different collocations (with γῆ ‘earth, country’ resp. γυνή ‘woman’).

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Sometimes, the meaning is less predictable and the substantivized adjective may acquire a specific meaning which does not reflect directly that of its components. H ö f l e r (2020, 184) mentions Sanskrit mahiṣá‑ ‘buffalo’ (masc.) from the adjective mahiṣá‑ ‘tremendous’ (+ mrgá‑ ‘animal’, cf. mahiṣám mrgám in the RV 8, 69, 15): the meaning of the substantivized
adjective is not compositional, which means that it cannot be predicted from the meaning of the adjective mahiṣá‑ ‘tremendous’ or from that of the noun mrgá‑ ‘animal’.

The second point that should be pointed out here is that some of the morphological properties of the omitted noun may survive in the substantivized adjective, especially its gender. In French, for example, l’automobile owes its feminine gender to the noun la voiture (in la voiture automobile). In several Indo-European languagues, the ‘right hand’ is a substantivized adjective, and, as a rule, it preserves the gender of the noun suppressed by ellipsis, feminine in Ancient Greek δεξιά [deksia] ‘the right hand’ (< χείρ [kheir] ‘hand’, fem.), Latin dextra ‘the right hand’ (< manus ‘hand’, fem.), Gothic taihswa ‘the right hand’ (< handus ‘hand’, fem.) and Lithuanian dešinė ‘the right hand’ (< rankà ‘hand’, fem.), but masculine in Sanskrit dákṣinas ‘the right hand’ (< hástas ‘hand’, masc.) and neuter in Hittite kunnan ‘the right hand’ (< kiššar ‘hand’, neut.).
To put if differently, the gender of the substantivized adjective can give us a clue on the gender of the noun it was originally paired with. It goes without saying that the gender of the new noun may sometimes be modified by analogy, as in German das Auto (neut.), which, despite the feminine gender of its source, has joined the class of neuter nouns ending in -o (like das Büro ‘the office’, but die Metro owes its feminine gender to die Untergrundbahn).

These considerations can be applied to Baltic *dangus ‘sky, heaven’, assu-ming that it goes back to a substantivized adjective. The structure we have to reconstruct is [covering + sky], i.e. [*dangasmasc + nounmasc] or [*dangusmasc+ nounmasc], and finally, via ellipsis of the noun, [*dangusmasc]. This idea is not entirely new and was already suggested, in less precise terms, by M a ž i u l i s (PKEŽ 2 2013, 104–105). Already at first glance, the best candidate for the deleted noun could be *debesis ‘cloud, cloudy sky’ (masc.), reflected by Lithuanian debesìs ‘cloud’ and Latvian debess ‘sky, heaven’, dialectal also ‘cloud’, but the details of this option are yet to be determined. In a first approximation, one could hypothesize that a collocation [covering + sky], concretely *dangus debesis, was reduced via ellipsis to *dangus ‘the covering one, the sky’. Several points, however, remain to be determined.

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To begin with, the Baltic masculine noun *debesis ‘cloud’ is usually traced back to the PIE sigmatic neuter *nébhos, gen.sg. *nébheses ‘cloud’,11 securely reconstructed with the meaning ‘cloud’ on the basis of Sanskrit nábhas ‘humidity, cloud’, Greek νέφος [nefos] ‘cloud’, and with the meaning ‘sky’ on the basis of Hittite nepiš-, Cuneiform Luwian tappaš-, Hieroglyphic Luwian tipaš- ‘sky’, Old Church Slavic небо, Russian небо, Polish niebo ‘sky’. In Classical Sanskrit nábhas ‘cloud’ is sometimes used with the meaning ‘sky’ and already in Vedic Sanskrit the elliptic dual nábhasī means ‘sky and earth’ (e.g. Atharvaveda AVŚ 5, 20, 7 and 12, 3, 6). In Old Avestan, the plural nabās means ‘sky’ in a very archaic-looking passage (Y 44, 4):12

kasnā dərətā # ząmcā adə nabāscā

auuapastōiš # kə apō uruuarāscā

kə vātāi # duuąnmaibiiascā yaogət̰ āsū?

‘Who holds the earth down below, and the heavens (above) (to prevent them) from falling, who (holds) the waters and plants? Who yokes the swift teams to the wind and the clouds?’

There is thus evidence for the use of PIE *nébhos both as ‘cloud’ and as ‘(cloudy) sky’; the metonymic link is relatively trivial and can be supported by a number of parallels (e.g. English sky ← Old Norse ský ‘cloud’, cf. Old English scēo ‘cloud’). It can be assumed that *nébhos in PIE had both meanings and was opposed, as the ‘cloudy sky’, to PIE *diéu‑ ‘bright sky, daylight, sky god’ (Sanskrit dyáu‑, Greek Ζεύς [Zeus], Latin Iūpiter ‘sky god’ and diēs ‘day’) and to its vrddhi derivative *deiuós ‘god’ (Sanskrit devá‑, Lithuanian diẽvas ‘god’, cf. the Finnish loanword taivas ‘sky’). This semantic duality (cloud / sky), which is likely to be rather ancient in PIE, was probably inherited in Common Baltic and is still reflected nowadays by its disjecta membra, ‘cloud’ in Lithuanian debesìs and ‘sky’ in Latvian debess. It is uncessary to argue that Latvian debess owes its meaning ‘sky’ to the contact-induced influence of East Slavic небо, because the organic ties between the two notions are too strong and too well established in the Indo-European languages to make this assumption an absolute necessity.

11 See NIL (p. 499–504). It is possible that Old Irish nem and Middle Welsh nef ‘sky’ also belong here (with assimilation *nebhos > *nemos?), as suggested by M a t a s o v i ć (2009, 288), but a different PIE reconstruction *nem-os is also possible.

12 Text and translation from H u m b a c h (1991, 157). Cf. B a r t h o l o m a e (AIW, 1040), who translates nabās as ‘Luftraum, Himmel’.

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Formally, PIE *nébhos, gen.sg. *nébheses was a sigmatic neuter. In Baltic, this archaic class of words was eliminated and its vestiges either joined the class of *o-stems, e.g. maybe Lith. véidas ‘face’ (if from PIE *ueid‑os‑, Greek εἶδος [eidos] ‘form, figure, shape’, but PIE *ueid‑o‑ is also possible, cf. Old Church Slavic видъ ‘appearance’),13 or were reshuffled as masculine *-i-stems, like precisely gen.sg. *nébh-es-es, on which a new masculine accusative *nébh‑es‑m̥ > dẽbesį was created, reanalyzed as an *-i-stem (hence the new nominative
debesìs). The case of mėnuo ‘month’, acc.sg. mėnesį, is partly parallel, but more complicated and needs not be specifically discussed here. The question that remains unanswered at this stage is when the shift to the masculine gender took place. This question is not completely irrelevant, because the masculine gender of debesìs can be regarded as the source of the masculine gender of dangùs through the ellipsis process described above. If one concentrates on East Baltic alone, the masculine gender of Lithuanian debesìs (Latvian debess is secondarily feminine) is not problematic; it can simply illustrate the loss of the neuter gender in that sub-branch of Baltic. But, if Old Prussian is also taken into account, the problem becomes much more difficult, since Old Prussian preserved the neuter gender, especially in the Elbing Vocabulary.
The difficulty is obvious: if the masculine gender of Old Prussian dangus is explained as transferred from the noun it was paired with and if this noun was the reflex of PIE *nébhos, this means that *nébhos, or whatever form it may have taken in West Baltic, was already of masculine gender in Old Prussian.
It follows that the shift of the Baltic reflex of PIE *nébhos to the masculine gender was already implemented in Old Prussian, since it is supposed to explain the masculine gender of dangus, and cannot be routinely explained by the loss of the neuter gender, as in East Baltic. By necessity, any answer to this question can only be purely hypothetical, since we do not know how PIE *nébhos may have looked in Old Prussian: it is not attested at all and the
meaning ‘cloud’ is conveyed by another word (Old Prussian wupyan). Of course, in Old Prussian, the masculine gender of dangus ‘sky’ could simple be due to the influence of German der Himmel, but it would probably be better to find a common explanation for West and East Baltic. Alternatively, one could assume that, at the Common Baltic stage, ‘the cloudy sky’ acquired the masculine gender by analogy with ‘the bright sky’ (Baltic *deivas), both opposed to the feminine gender of the ‘earth’ (Baltic *źemē).

13 The reconstruction of a thematic noun PIE *ueid‑o‑ was suggested to me by an anonymous reviewer.

The reconstruction of a collocation [covering + sky], realized as *dangusmasc + debesismasc in the prehistory of Baltic, has an additional benefit. It may explain why the initial consonant of PIE *nebh- was changed to *deb- in Baltic. Traditionally, the phonetic change *n- → *d- is described as sporadic, or irregular, and paralleled by the case of Balto-Slavic *devīni ‘nine’ instead of *nevini (from PIE *(h1)neu‑n‑). In the latter instance, the same process occurred both in Baltic (Lithuanian devynì, Latvian deviņi) and in Slavic (Old Church Slavic девѧть) and is thus likely to be of Balto-Slavic date, despite Old Prussian newīnts ‘ninth’ (III 355, cf. newints I 71, newyntz II 71), which could have ‘restored’ the initial nasal by analogy with German neun. Here, the initial consonant can be explained by internal analogy within the numeral system with the following number *desim(t)- ‘ten’ (Lith. dẽšimt, Latvian desmit, Old Prussian dessimpts, Old Church Slavic десѧть < PIE *dek̑m̥‑).

This explanation cannot apply to Baltic *debesis. The comparison with the Anatolian forms (Hittite nepiš-, but Cuneiform Luwian tappaš-, Hieroglyphic Luwian tipaš-) boils down to explaining obscurum per obscurius. It may be the case that the collocation [covering + sky] was precisely the source of this change, if one assumes that the epithet-noun structure [*dangus + nebesismasc] was modified to [*dangus + debesismasc] through distant (progressive) assimilation. This is unverifiable, of course, but does not sound impossible.

A last point to discuss here concerns the accent of the Baltic form *dangus. Assuming that it was originally based on a simple thematic oxytone adjective ([R(o)-ó-], we expect it to have inherited oxytone stress (*dangás), which could appear to be faithfully reflected, in spite of the morphological reshuffling, in Lith. dangùs, acc.sg. dañgų (AP 4). As already mentioned, the barytone variant *dángus or *dañgus is far from philologically secure. If real, it could be explained as secondary. S k a r d ž i u s (1935, 140–144) has shown that in Daukša’s works *-u-adjectives included both barytone and oxytone forms, e.g. on the one hand áisʒkus ‘clear’ (e.g. DP 2544 [1599]), brá̗gus ‘dear’ (e.g. DP 8130 [1599]), méiłus ‘beloved’ (e.g. DP 3456 [1599]), wéikus ‘ready, willing’ (e.g. DP 3032 [1599]) and on the other hand baisús ‘awful, dreadful’ (e.g. DP 419 [1599]), laimús ‘happy’ (e.g. DP 3836 [1599]), sałdús ‘sweet’ (e.g. DP 28142 [1599]), tamsús ‘dark’ (e.g. DP 55637 [1599]). There is a clear tendency for
barytone *-u-adjectives to adopt the productive oxytone stress pattern which is predominant in this class of words.

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This explains internal variations in the language of Daukša, with doublets like áisʒkus / aisʒkús ‘clear’ (e.g. DP 2544 resp. DP 217 [1599]) or brá̗gus / bra̗gús ‘dear’ (e.g. DP 8130 resp. DP 54147 [1599]); double stress is another indicator of this variation, e.g. áisʒkús (DP 220 [1599]). The deep-set trend towards oxytone stress can be simply due to analogical extension or may have transited through the abstract noun in -ùmas, as supposed by L a z a u s k a i t ė (1998). It could then be assumed that, even if dangùs was already lexicalized as a noun at that time, it could have been influenced by this variation and have received secondary barytone stress (e.g. dá̗gus DP 793, etc. [1599]) by analogy with the variation observed, e.g.,
in the adjective brá̗gus / bra̗gús ‘dear’. All this scenario, however, remains fragile, due to the uncertainty of the Old Lithuanian evidence.

III. The PIE prehistory of Baltic *dangus

In view of the above, we can reconstruct a regular derivational pathway [R(e)-verb] (deñgti ‘to cover’) → [R(a)-u-adjective] (*dangùs ‘covering’), lexicalized via ellipsis as [R(a)-u-noun] (dangùs ‘sky’). The point I would like to address now is the PIE prehistory of the verb deñgti ‘to cover’. For this purpose, it is necessary to begin with a brief overview of the Baltic family itself.

The Lithuanian verb deñgti (pres. -ia, pret. -ė) conveys the general meaning ‘to cover’ which can be applied to various situations: covering objects with a lid or another object, covering a table with a tablecloth, covering a space with a roof, covering a body with clothes, covering an expense with a sum of money, etc. The verb can be used about blankets of clouds covering the sky, which sometimes gives the impression that the connection between the noun dangùs and the verb deñgti is not entirely blurred, cf. Lith. dangùs deñgiasi debesimìs ‘the sky is covered with clouds’ (LKŽ II 404, Bartninkai), cf. also dangum deñgtas ‘covered by the sky’ about leaky roofs (LKŽ II 262, Dusetos, Joniškis, Kupiškis, Notėnai, Salos, Vilkaviškis). From the verb deñgti are derived a handful of nouns which reproduce its semantic spectrum, e.g. Lith. dangà ‘dress, clothes’ (e.g. storà dangà ‘solid garment’) or ‘cover’ (e.g. sniẽgo dangà ‘blanket of snow’), dañgalas ‘cover, curtain’, dañgtis ‘cover, lip, roof’.
Beside the transitive verb deñgti there is also an intransitive verb diñgti (pres. -sta, pret. -o) with a strong divergence of meaning ‘to disappear’ (probably from a basic meaning ‘to be covered’). The connection with Old Lithuanian dingti ‘to think’ (usually impersonal man dinga ‘it seems to me’) is unclear.

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The ALEW (I 212) supposes that the original meaning of this verb was ‘to look out’ (Germ. hervorlugen), then ‘to appear’, but, in comparison with diñgti ‘to disappear’, this sounds very much like a lucus a non lucendo etymology. Admittedly it still needs to be motivated more precisely than it has been up to now in the secondary literature.14

There is no verb corresponding to Lith. deñgti ‘to cover’ in Latvian. The Latvian nouns danga ‘curve, corner’ and dañdzis ‘crown; wheel rim’ (ME I 437) are likely to go back, because of the preserved nasal, to Curonian forms *dangā resp. *dangīs ‘curved objects’. If they derive from the verb ‘to cover’, it must be recognized that their meaning is slightly different and implies the notion of ‘curvature’, which is possible in Lithuanian, but not overriding. In Old Prussian, there is no verb *deng-, but its vocalism could have influenced
the noun dangus ‘sky’, sometimes spelled deng- (e.g. acc.sg. dengan III 1338 [1561] beside the more common dangon, cf. also dengenennis ‘celestial’ III 4920, etc.). The noun dongo attested once in the Elbing Vocabulary (EV 403) reflects *dangā. Its meaning is difficult to establish, since it renders German refe, which has been interpreted either as Reif ‘circle’ or as Refe ‘stand for dishes, glasses’. The second solution is preferred since N e s s el m a n n (1873, 31–32); more recently, S c h m a l s t i e g (2015, 282) proposed ‘part of a barrel or vat, the hoop of a barrel’.15 The bulk of evidence suggests that the original meaning of the Baltic root *deng- was not ‘to cover’ defined in very broad terms, but more specifically ‘to cover a curved surface’. This precise meaning could be congruent with the specialization of *dangus in reference to the sky dome (cf. German Himmelswölbung).

The Slavic languages furnish a noun *dǫgà ‘arc, arch’, often specialized as ‘rainbow’: Old Russian дѫга ‘rainbow’, Russian дугa ‘arc, arch’, Bulgarian дъгa ‘arc, arch, rainbow’, Serbo-Croatian дуга dúga ‘rainbow’, Slovene duga ‘stave, lag, rainbow’, Czech duha ‘arc, arch, stave, lag, rainbow’, Polish dial. dęga ‘scratch, rainbow, stave, lag’.16   From a formal point of view, Slavic *dǫgà is identical with Baltic *dangā.

14 See also LEW (p. 88–89), SEJL (p. 114) without much detail. The meaning ‘to seem’ is ancient and also appears in Old Prussian podingai ‘it pleases’ (Germ. gefalle, III 7917 [1561]), podīngan ‘pleasure’ (Germ. lust, III 855 and 857 [1561]), podingausnan ‘id.’ (Germ. gefallen, III 856 [1561]).
15 On Old Prussian dongo, see PJ (I 361–362).
16 D e r k s e n (EDSIL, 114). See also Po k o r n y (IEW, 250), T r a u t m a n n (BSW, 44–45), as well as Va s m e r (ĖSRJa, 549–550) for Russian, M a c h e k (1971, 133), R e j z e k (2001, 148) for Czech, and S n o j (2003, 115–116) for Slovene.

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No verb *deng- ‘to cover’ has been preserved in Slavic and the noun *dǫgà is completely isolated.17 There was probably a secondary link with the Slavic root *tęg‑ ‘to pull, to stretch’,
which is suggested by the fact that Pol. dial. dęga is sometimes replaced by tęga in the same meaning.18 From a semantic point of view, the Slavic data confirm the original meaning of the family (‘to cover a curved surface’) and the specific application to atmospheric realities connected with the sky dome (cf. ‘rainbow’).

Traditionally, the Baltic family is traced back to a PIE root *dhengh- ‘to cover’. The reconstruction of two aspirated stops is based mainly on Germanic material: Old Norse dyngia ‘heap’, also ‘separate room in a house for ladies to weave’, Old English dung ‘manure, muck, dung’, Middle High German tunc ‘room used for weaving activities’, Modern German Dung or Dünger ‘manure, muck, dung’, and different verbs reflected by Old English dyngan ‘to dung, to manure’, Old High German tungen, Modern German düngen ‘to fertilize with manure’, and, with a different meaning, Danish dynge ‘to heap up’.19

As we see, there is a great semantic diversity in the Germanic forms. Two different meanings can be distinguished:

(1) ‘manure’ < ‘heap’,

(2) ‘a kind of room used for weaving activities’ < ‘shelter, bower’ (?).

Formally, it is possible to reconstruct two Common Germanic nouns, a masculine *dungaz
and a feminine *dungā, which can be routinely traced back to PIE *dhngh-o- or *dhngh‑ā respectively, both with barytone stress. The specialization ‘heap’ > ‘manure’ could be accounted for by assuming a semantic evolution ‘to cover’ > ‘what covers the soil, heap’, later specialized as ‘manure’, ‘dung used for fertilizing land’, but this remains uncertain. The specialization ‘room used for weaving activities’ could derive from ‘shelter, place covered by a roof, bower’, but there is little evidence to support this idea. In both cases, it is possible to cope with the divergent meanings by reconstructing a notion ‘to cover’, comparable to Lith. deñgti, but more general than the Balto-Slavic specialized meaning ‘to cover a curved surface’.

17 This reminds us the case of Slavic *rǭkà ‘hand’, where, in a similar manner, Slavic has retained the noun, but lost the underlying verb, which, in turn, is preserved in Baltic (Lith. rankà ‘hand’ ← riñkti ‘to gather’).
18 B r ü c k n e r (1927, 570).
19 See especially B o s w o r t h (1848, 218, 221) and C l e a s b y, V i g f u s s o n (1874, 111).

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Strikingly enough, among the different meanings of Latv. danga mentioned by the ME (I 437), we find: ‘a little room’ (‘ein Zimmerchen’), ‘a corridor in a building and also in a forest, also the narrow place between the kitchen and the exterior wall, where twigs, brushwood and wood stock are stored for cooking stove’ (‘ein Gang (Korridor) in einem Gebäude und auch im Walde, desgleichen der engre Raum zwischen dem Küchenraum und der Aussenwand, wo man Reisig und Holz für die Küche hält’), which seems to be not too far from that of Germanic ‘room to weave, shelter, bower’, although probably independently.

It is difficult to reconstruct for all these forms a common source deriving from a root ‘to cover’ and Seebold, in K l uge (242002, 221), might be right in suggesting that we are facing homonymy of different lexical families. One could, for example, come up with the idea that two separate meanings were originally distinguished, ‘to cover, to pile up, to heap’ and ‘to bend’, and that these two meanings have mingled at some point. Taken at face value, it seems
to be the case that

(1°) the meaning ‘to bend’ is predominant in Balto-Slavic,

(2°) the meaning ‘to cover, to pile up, to heap’ is predominant in Germanic and

(3°) the Lithuanian verb deñgti lies at the crossroads between the two meanings. Of course, this idea remains pure speculation as long as we have not supported it by positive evidence.

In his usual way, Po ko r n y (IEW, 250) reconstructs the meaning of the PIE root *dhengh- as a mere accumulation of the semantic features of its historical descendants: ‘to press, to bend, to cover, to lie on’ (drücken, krümmen, bedecken, worauf liegen), without attempting to classify this diversity of meanings in a reasonable manner. To the forms already mentioned he adds Old Irish dingid ‘to knead, to form, to press’, but it is now commonly recognized that Old Irish dingid belongs to PIE *dheigh- ‘to knead, to form’ and is parallel to Latin fingō ‘to form, to shape’.20
Another set of forms, however, could be more directly compared to the Balto-Slavic family *deng- ‘to cover a curved surface, to bend’ and to its application to atmospheric realities. In some Ancient Germanic languages there is a poetic name for the ‘celestial body’, which can be reconstructed as Common Germanic *tunglan (neut.): it is reflected by Gothic tuggl ‘celestial body, star’, Old Norse tungl ‘celestial body, moon’, Old English tungol ‘star’, Old Saxon tungal ‘celestial body, star’. There is also an archaic compound reflected by Old Norse himin-tungl, Old English heofon-tungol, Old Saxon himil-tungal, heƀen‑tungal, heƀan‑tungal and Old High German himil-zungal ‘celestial body’.

20  M a t a s o v i ć (2009, 99).

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The correspondence is so precise that it is possible to reconstruct in Common Germanic not only the noun *tunglan, but also the compound *hemen-tunglan, *hemel-tunglan ‘celestial body’.
The meaning of Gothic tuggl is not entirely certain; it occurs only once in a marginal gloss uf tugglam ‘under the celestial bodies’ (Galatians 4, 3), explaining the text uf stabim þis fairƕaus ‘under the elements of the world’ = Greek ὑπὸ τὰ στοιχεῖα τοῦ οὐρανοῦ ‘under the elements of the sky’ (cf. Lat. sub elementis mundi).

In Old English, tungol means ‘star, celestial body’ and is used either in the singular, as in the following instance (Cotton Maxims II 48-49):

Tungol sceal on heofenum beorhte scīnan, swā him bebēad meotud.
‘A star must shine brightly in the heavens as the Redeemer commanded.’

or more frequently in the plural, with a collective meaning, as in the following instance (Alfred’s translation of Boetius’ De Consolatione Philosophiae IV 39,144–147):

Đa wyrd hē þonne wyrcð, oððe þurh ðā goodan englas, oððe þurh monna sāwla, oððe þurh ōðerra gesceafta līf, oððe þurh heofones tungal, oððe þurh þāra scuccena mislice lotwrencas.
‘Then he (God) works his providence either through the good angels, or through men’s souls or through the life of other creatures or through the stars of heaven or hrough the various tricks of the devils’

In Old Saxon, tungal is used twice in the Heliand, once in the singular in reference to the ‘moon’ (Heliand 3627):

Thiu is aftar themu mânen ginemnid / aftar themu torhten tungle.
‘It (= Jericho) has received its name from the moon, from this bright star’

once in the plural (Heliand 600):

Uui gisâhun is bôcan skînan / hêdro fon himiles tunglun.
‘We have seen His sign shining brightly from the stars of heaven’

In Old Norse, tungl is used once in the Poetic Edda (Vǫlospá 40, 4) in reference to the ‘moon’:

Verðr af þeim ǫllom eina nøkkorr / tungls tiúgarií trollz hami.
‘From all these one will come, destroyer of the moon, in troll-like shape’

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In that meaning ‘moon’ it survives in Modern Icelandic tungl beside máni.

As far as I know, the simple noun *zungal is not attested in Old High German and we only find the compound himil-zungal in the same meaning ‘celestial body’, as in the following instance (Muspilli 5):

Sô quimit ein heri fona himilzungalon, das andar fona pehhe.
‘Then comes one army from the stars of heaven, the other one from hell’

To sum up, the Germanic word *tunglan often did not specifically refer to the ‘stars’ or to the ‘moon’, but more generally to any ‘heavenly body’ that can be seen in the firmament. In Ancient Germanic it had a markedly poetic connotation and went out of use in most modern languages, with the notable exception of Modern Icelandic, where it is still used nowadays in reference to the ‘moon’. From a formal point of view, *tunglan can be projected back to a
PIE prototype *dngh-lom, i.e. a *-lo-derivative of a PIE verbal root *dengh-.

The comparison with Lith. deñgti ‘to cover’ and especially dangùs ‘sky’ was proposed long ago by G r i e n b e r ge r (1900, 210–211), but was almost unanimously rejected since then and fell quickly into oblivion. It is still condemned explicitly by Fe i s t (1939, 482) and L eh m a n n (1986, 348), but is not even mentioned by D e Vr i e s (1962, 601), and it appears to have been completely ignored by Balticists of all times. A connection with Germanic *tungo ‘tongue’ (< PIE *dnghuā, cf. Tocharian A käntu, B käntwo, Old Latin dingua) was supposed by G r i m m (1844 II, 663), who claimed that stars owe their name to their resemblance with scythes or tongues, but this view can be rejected as ill-founded. It is equally unreasonable to derive Germanic *tunglan from a PIE root *dengh- ‘to shine’, which is found nowhere except perhaps in Old Lith. dingti ‘to think’ (impersonal man dinga ‘it seems to me’). This idea, suggested by D e Vr i e s (1962, 601), sounds possible on paper,
but remains based on shaky ground, as the evidence for the original meaning ‘to shine’ is limited precisely to our Germanic word.

All in all, the comparison between Germanic *tunglan and Baltic *dangus might be worth getting out of purgatory. Common to both of them is the connection to the celestial sphere covered by heavenly bodies. Whereas Baltic *dangus can go back to a simple thematic adjective *dangas < PIE *dongh-ó- with an active meaning (‘the covering [sky]’), Germanic *tunglan reflects a concrete neuter noun *dngh-lom ‘cover’. The neuter suffix *-lan (< PIE
*-lom) occurs in a few Germanic nouns referring to concrete realities, e.g.

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Gothic tagl ‘hair’ (< PIE *dok-lóm, cf. Old Irish dúal ‘braid’), maybe also mail ‘spot, blot’ (< Germanic *mai-lan), sometimes with an instrumental meaning, e.g. Gothic þwahl ‘bath’ (< Germanic *þwah-lan, from the verb þwahan ‘to wash’), Old High German bîhal, Modern German Beil ‘ax’ (< PIE *bhiH-lom, cf. Old Church Slavic бити ‘to hit’), Old High German seil, Modern German Seil ‘rope’ (< PIE *soh2i-lom, cf. Sanskrit syáti ‘to bind’), maybe also Old Norse kjóll ‘ship’ (< Germanic *keu-lan). Particularly inte-resting is Old Norse skjól ‘barn’ (Germanic *skeu-lan) derived from a PIE root *skeu‑ ‘to cover’ (cf. Sanskrit skunāti ‘to cover’). The same meanings are found in other Indo-European languages as well, e.g. Old Church Slavic дѣло ‘action’, гребло ‘paddle’, облѣкло ‘garment’, Greek ὅπλον ‘weapon’, ξύλον ‘wood’, σκῦλον ‘arms stripped off a slain enemy, spoils’, Lat. pīlum ‘heavy javelin, pilum’, fīlum ‘thread’. In some cases, a collective meaning is perceptible and suggested by the variation with secondary feminines, e.g. Greek φῦλον / φυλή ‘tribe’, Latin fīlum / Lith. gýsla ‘thread’; this collective meaning could also be present in Germanic *tunglan.

It should be noted that, in this perspective, the meaning of Germanic *tunglan and Baltic *dangus would not be exactly identical, the former referring to ce-lestial bodies covering the sky dome, the latter to the sky dome itself covering the world, but the denotation of the underlying root would be the same ‘to co-ver a curved surface’ and its application to the celestial sphere would be stri-kingly similar. From a formal point of view, this hypothesis would imply re-constructing the root of Baltic *dangus,if cognate with Germanic *tunglan, as PIE *dengh-, with initial voiced unaspirated stop,not as *dhengh-,as is usually done.

It must be recognized that the reconstruction of an initial aspirated stop *dh- is based exclusively on a handful of Germanic forms whose denotation is rather compatible with a basic meaning ‘to press, to pile up, to heap’ (e.g. English dung) than with ‘to cover a curved surface’. Even Old Norse dyngia ‘separate room in a house used for weaving activities’ can derive from a basic meaning ‘storage room’ and is not necessarily based on a meaning ‘room covered by a roof’.

At this point, the assumption that we are dealing with two different roots resurfaces and becomes more plausible. We have two different meanings (‘to press, to pile up, to heap’ / ‘to cover a curved surface’) and two different root structures (*dhengh- / *dengh-), and there seems to be a clear correlation between the two levels of differentiation: *dhengh- means ‘to press, to pile up, to heap’ (with initial *dh-, proved by Germanic *dung- ‘heap, manure’) and *dengh- means ‘to bend, to cover a curved surface’ (with initial *d-, proved by Germanic *tung- ‘celestial body’). For semantic reasons,it can be assumed that the Balto-Slavic family belongs to *dengh-, but it cannot be ruled out that a conflation with the other root *dhengh- took place, which might explain some marginal meanings of Latvian danga and part of the semantic spectrum of the Lithuanian verb deñgti. Of course, we have in this matter to cope with a high degree of uncertainty: all this remains an etymological speculation which is exclusively based on Germanic material and could find in Balto-Slavic only a semantic justification.

DĖL LIE. dangus ETIMOLOGIJOS

Santrauka

Tradiciškai baltų kalbų ‘dangaus’ pavadinimas (lie. dangùs, pr. dangus) aiškinamas kaip veiksmažodžio deñgti derivatas, remiantis prielaida, kad dangus buvo suvokiamas kaip tam tikras išlenktas paviršius, dengiantis pasaulį. Tačiau šis tradicinis požiūris iki šiol palieka du klausimus atvirus:

(1) kaip paaiškinti žodžio dangus darybą, panašesnę į būdvardžio negu į daiktavardžio;

(2) kaip rekonstruoti praindoeuropietišką šios baltų kalbų leksinės šeimos priešistorę. Šio straipsnio tikslas – aptarti tiek morfologinę, tiek semantinę ‘dangaus’ pavadinimo struktūrą ir paaiškinti visas jo ypatybes, siūlant naują žodžio kilmės ir raidos hipotezę.

***

Rosa Liksom:

RJK:

http://hameemmias.vuodatus.net/lue/2015/12/suomalaisten-ja-germaanisten-kielten-varhaisimmista-lainakosketuksista-ajalaskun-alun-aikaan

" ... Zusätzliche Evidenz könnte eine Etymologie von taimen bieten, wenn die ge-wöhnliche Bedeutung ‘salmo trutta’ (SKES), also ‘Meeresforelle’‚ die ursprüngliche ist. Das Wort macht durchaus einen "baltischen" Eindruck. Mit vermen ‘Oberhaut’, das zu ai. vännan- ‘Panzer, Schutz- (wehr)’ gestellt wird,sind es die baltischen Lehnwörter siemen ‘Same’ und paimen ‘Hirt’, die einen erklecklichen Teil der fin- nischen Wörter auf -men ausmachen. Ein klares baltisches Etymon läßt sich für taimen jedoch nicht finden. Allenfalls könnte man an Übernahme eines urbaltischen *daigmen-, dem ein litauisches *diegmuo entspre-chen würde, denken. Es handelt sich bei -muo um ein äußerst produktives Formans.

[HM:Johdin -m- on kanbaltin ja vasarakievekielen agenttipartisiipin pääte ja -en on neutrin pääte. Päätteestä -en on tullut liettuassa säännöllisesti -uo, josta on tullut yksi maskuliinin pääte, kun taas latviassa ja mm. kuurissa -en- on liitetty vartaloon ja isketty perään uusi nominatiivin pääte: s tai -e. Preussissa -en-päätteestä on joko tullut -u (pannu = tuli,pekku = karja) tai se on siirretty vartaloon: kaimens = paimen (jotka muuten EIVÄT tule sanasta,*kaimen tulee puolustamista tarkoittavasta sanas- ta *ken-, mutta *paimen juottamista tarkoit-tavasta kb.verbistä *pen-; (hyvä paimen panee henkensäkin lampaiden edestä kun taas paha paimen tekee toisin päin... <:C (hymiö, tuo on oikeastaan Halonen ...)]

Die hierfür vorauszusetzende Behandlung der inlautenden Konsonantenverbindung im Ostseennischen könnte durch ynnä < *yknä (s. SKRK I §27.7, s. 54) gestützt werden. Die Kürzung von *taimmen zu taimen wäre erwartungs-gemäß.Die Basis müßte der urbaltische Vorläufer von lit.degti ‘Panzen setzen’ sein, zu dem noch lit. daigas, diegas ‘Keim = oras, Sproß = verso’ gehört. Die Grundbedeutung wäre mit-hin als ‘junge Saat’ anzusetzen, aus der sich die Bedeutung ‘junge Fischbrut’, weiter ‘junge Forelle’ ergeben haben müßte. In der Bedeutung ‘junge Saat’ läge das Wort im dialektalen taimen vor, aus dem das weiter verbreitete taimi entstanden sein müßte 78.

[HM:Verbi on todennäköisemmin ollut kb.*dengti > vsk.*daigti = kattaa, peittää, istut-taa. Neutri *daigmen tarkoittaa "istutettua", vaikka kalaa. (Tätä ei pidä sekoittaa "ai-tauksessa" VILJELTYYN kalaan,joka taas on ollut *tautainen = "kansankala, kyläka- la", josta tulee kaikkiruokainen sitkeähenkinen "pula-ajan karppi" toutain, liettuaksi muuten salatis = eritetty,tarhattu,josta tulee salaatti: nauriista ja suolakalasta tehty rosolli, entisaikojen yksi perusruoka. Ja kuten sanottu vasarakirveskansa oli aina kynnet pystyssä muuttamassa ja parantelemassa kaikkea,myös kasvistoa ja eläimis- töä, ei vain maata ja vesiä, kun taas heidän naapureilleen (jotka muuten lopulta kult-tuurisesti "voittivat" täällä meidän olois-sa, muualla "hävisivät",sellainen oli uskonnol-listen tabujen kieltämää toimintaa. Heimot hyötyivät objektiivisesti toisistaan, varsin-kin suomalaiset balteista, vaik-ka nuo veivätkin kaikkein parhaat peuran-, hirven- ja majavanlaitumet. Kts. daigus. Juuresta tulee myös vsk.*daigwas = "ylle kaareutuva" > taivas.]

Fraenkelin etymologinen:

Deñgti (-ia, -ė) ´(be)decken = peittää, kattaa, einhüllen = verhota, kääriä´;

Intens. dangýti (-ija, -ijo), dañgyti (dañgo, dañgė) (bedecken, trans.), dangstýti (dañgsto, dañgstė), [dangìnti (~a, ~o), HM] = häivyttää, kadottaa, muuttaa;

Freq. denginė́ti (-ė́ja, -ė́jo) = peitellä, dangstinė́ti (-ė́ja, -ė́jo) = peitellä, suojata esim. kasveja hallata, tuholaisilta;

dingti (~sta, ~o) = ´wohin geraten = joutua, päätyä jonnekin tai johonkin (esim. vahingossa), verschwinden = kadota (näkyvistä, kirj. peittyä), verlorengehen = kadota, joutua hukkaan, hävitä, kuolla (euf.);

danga = Decke = kansi, Überzug = päällyste, Hülle = (suoja)kuori, Bekleidung = peite, vaatetus;

Dangalas = Schleier = huntu, peite, kansi

Dañgčius = Deckel = kansi

Dangentis (dangenasi, -nosi) = ´sich angerswohin begeben, umziehen = vetäytyä, übersiedeln = muuttaa, kadota, häipyä muualle

Dangė = Fluss, der sich bei Memel in das Kurische Haff ergiesst = joki Kaliningradin alueella

dañga jūrų = ´Meerwoge = meriaalto, maininki´

dangùs = Himmel = taivas, myös kitalaki

padangė(s) =´sichtbarer Himmel,Himmelsgewölbe, Firmament= taivaankansi, -laki, obere Luft, Himmelstrich = ilmanala, Gegend = ilmansuunta

padánga = ´überhängendes, fast bis zum Boden heruntereichendes Dach = ripustettu, maahan ulottuva katto, katos

lett. (latvia) danga = ´kotige Pfütze = lokainen lätäkkö, weiches morastiges Land = pehmeä soinen maa, durch Fahren entstandendes Gruft = ajoura (ties-sä)´ Pl. dangas = Schleuchterstelle im Winterwege, unebene Stelle = epätasai-set paikat (tiessä ym), von drei Seiten mit Morast oder Wasser umgebenes Land = nimeke, kolmelta puolen suon tai veden ympäröimä maapala

dandzis = ´Kranz = reunus, aus einem Stück bestehende Radfelge = yhdestä kappaleesta koostuva pyöränkehä´

pr. (preussi) dangus, acc. dangon = ´Himmel´

dengenennis, dengenenniskans, dengniskas, lit. dañgiškas = himmlich = taiva(all)inen

cf. russ.ksl. duga, skr. (serbokr.) dúga = (Regen)bogen = (sateen)kaari, poln. dial. dęga dass. etc.

...

lit. déngti (-ia, ė) = ´laufen = juosta, rennen = josta täyttää laukkaa´ on eri verbi

...

lett. dingt (dingst, diga) = olla rauhallinen, hillitä itsensä, sadingt = jäykistyä, jämettyä paikalleen.

lit. dingėti (-a, (-i,) -ėjo) man diñga, diñgi, ding = mir scheint, mich dünkt, mir dämmert = minusta näyttää, tuntuu

dingotis (-jasi, -josi), dingsėti (~si, ~sė́jo) = luulla itsestään, tuntua (itsestä)

diñgstė, diñgstis = ´Vorwand = tekosyy, erdichteter, unwahrer Beweggrund = sepitetty, epätosi toimintaperuste, künstige Gelegenheit = keinotekoinen tilaisuus, epäolennainen mahdollisuus

dingtelėti (~telėja, ~telėjo), dingterėti = plötzlich durch den Sinn fahren = välähtää äkkiä mieleen.

***

Lietuviešu—latviešu vārdnīca

déngti ^a (~ia, ~ė), sar. diegt (ātri iet, skriet, braukt) = kävellä nopeasti, juosta, matkustaa

deñgti ^b (~ia, ~ė) kattaa
1. segt = peittää, kattaa, klāt = kattaa (pöytä ym.), laittaa (vuode ym. petata), latoa (tiskiin ym.)
juodi debesys dengė dangų - melni mākoņi sedza debesis = mustat pilvet peittivät taivaan
dengti stalą - klāt galdu = kattaa pöytä
dengti skolas pārn. - /no/kārtot (dzēst) parādus
2. jumt, likt jumtu kattaa rakennus
3. ģērbt
tėvai jį dengia ir valgydina - vecāki viņam dod apģērbu un uzturu
4. pārn. segt = suojata; slēpt = piilottaa, kätkeä; maskēt = naamioida (sot. ym.)
dengti kariuomenės atsitraukimą - segt karaspēka atkāpšanos = suojata sotajoukon perääntymistä
5. fizk. segt
dengti puolėją - nosegt uzbrucēju = suojata, varmistaa hyökkääjää
dengtinis -ė (2) segts -a, segtais -ā = suoja-
dengtinis vežimas - segtie rati = umpivaunut
dengtuvas (2) vāks; apklājs, pārklājs suoja (suomen vanha SU-sana suoja tarkoittaa lämmintä, balt.)

https://letonika.lv/groups/default.aspx?cid=950036&r=10631062&lid=950036&g=2&q=dingti&h=0

dìngčioti (~čioja, ~čiojo), iter. rādīties = tuntua jltkn; likties = jäädä; šķist = liueta; ienākt prātā;
dingimas (2) /iz/zušana; nozušana; pazušana; izgaišana; /iz/zudums = katoaminen, häviäminen, menetys;
dingojimas (1) iedoma = havainto;
dingoti (~oja, ~ojo), domāt; likties; rādīties; šķist =
tai ji dingojo močiutę graudžiai verkiant folkl. - tad viņa iedomājās māmiņu gauži raudam
dingsėti (~si, ~sė́jo), dingsoti (~so, ~sójo), iedomāties; domai iešauties prātā;
dingstis (~stiẽs) (4) s.
1. pēkšņa doma nopea, äkkinäinen ajatus; iedoma = havainto, päähänpisto
2. iemesls, iegansts; ~t, interj.
dingt į galvą - pēkšņi iešāvās /doma/ galvā
dingtelėti (~telėja, ~telėjo),
dingterėti (~terėja, ~terėjo), dem.
dingtelėjo mintis - pēkšņi iešāvās /doma/ prātā (galvā)

diñgti (~sta, ~o), zust = peittyä, kadota (näkyvistä), olla kadoksissa; pazust = kadota; izzust = hävitä
dingti be žinios - pazust bez vēsts = kadota jälkiä, viestiä jättämättä
kur man d.? - kur man dēties? = Minne menisin (häipyisin)?
dinguonis (~uoniẽs) (3b) kopdz. sar. pazudušais -sī = kateissa oleva henkilö

https://letonika.lv/groups/default.aspx?q=danga&s=0&g=2&r=10631062

dangà (4) = peite, suoja, päällyste, kate, (ulko)katto
1. apģērbs = (suoja)vaatetus; tērps = asu
2. sega = suoja, peite; apklājs, apsegs; pārklājs, pārsegs
sniego danga - sniega kārta (sega) = lumipeite
kelio danga - ceļa segums = tienpäällyste

https://letonika.lv/groups/default.aspx?cid=961914&r=10631062&lid=961914&g=2&q=diegas&h=3409

diegti = istuttaa

díegti (~ia, ~ė)
1. dēstīt
svogūnus diegti - dēstīt sīpolus
2. pārn. ieviest; ievest
diegti tvarką - ievest kārtību
3. diedzēt
salyklą diegti - diedzēt iesalu
4. durt, dzelt
šoną diegia - dur sānos

díegas (3)
1. asns; dīglis
miežiai su diegais - mieži ar asniem
2. dēsts
kopūstų diegas - kāpostu dēsts
3. kopdz. sar. ļaundabis -e; skopulis -e; blēdis -a; krāpnieks -ce

dieglỹs (3) dūrējs, dūrēji
dieglys įsimetė į šoną - dūrējs iemetās sānos

https://letonika.lv/groups/default.aspx?q=daigyti&s=0&g=2&r=10631062

daigytiTulkojumi

Wanhaa keskustelua:

Tässä viestissä on yritystä, kun sauna ja kiuaskin selitetään samasta juuresta. Tekijä on kuitenkin myöhemmin tullut muulla kannalle.

Arkkis

Arkkis

Täällä on Jaskalle ja muille tuon džiáuti (džiáuna, džióvė) > sauna, savu ym. etymologia, joissa se yhdistetään mm. "palamiseen" ja "jumalaan" (taivaaseen)

http://www.indoeuropean.nl/cgi-bin/resp ... &sort=word

Etymology: džiáuti (1. prs. džiáuju, džióviau) 'zum Trocknen aufhängen = ripustaa kuivamaan (savustumaan ym.), erschlagen, totschlagen = lyödä kuoliaaksi',

[HM: Nämä ovat samat merkitykset

*gʷʰen- = to press; to strike, slay, kill

Skr. हन्ति(hanti), Av. (jainti), Pers. /zahr; ajanam/, Lith. ginti, Ltv. dzīt, Old Prussian guntwei, OCS gŭnati, Russ. жать; гнать (žat'; gnat'), Polish gnać, Alb. gjanj, Arm. գան (gan), ջին (ǰin),ջինջ (ǰinǰ),Ir. gonim/gonadh,Gk. θείνω (theinō); φόνος (phonos), Hitt. kwen, Lyd. qẽn-, Eng. gūþ/; bana/bane, Gm. gundfano/, Goth. banja; pano/ Bahn ON gunnr; bani

Tuo salaperäinen kieli, jossa *gʷʰ:sta tulee b on ilmeisesti länsigootti. (Herää kysymys, onko se lainkaan ollut germaaninen kieli.) ]

džiova 'Trockenheit, Dürre, Schwindsucht, Auszehrung',
džiovė´ti '(aus)trocknen, dürr werden = kuivaa',
džiovínti trans. 'trocknen, dörren = kuivat(ta)a',
"džiū´ti (džūva, džūvo) intr. (1. p. džiū´stu und džiūvù, Praet. džiuvaũ und džiúvau) 'trocken = kuivaa (vaate ym.), dürr werden = kuivaa (kasvi, hedelmä ym.',

lett. "žaut (žauju, žavu) trans. 'trocknen, zum Trocknen aushängen, einen starken Schlag versetzen, durchstechen', žūt intr. 'trocknen',
žavēt, žāvēt trans. 'trocknen = kuivata, räuchern = savustaa' .

Nach M.-Endz. gehören diese balt. Wörter zu ahd. tawal¡n 'hinschwinden, hinsterben', touwen, as. dōian, aisl. deyja engl. to die 'sterben', got. daūs 'tot', diwans 'sterblich' usw. (s. auch s. v. d¡yti).

Englannin verbi "die" = "kuolla" on siis germanistien mukaan tuntematonta alkuperää.

Sitä on siis myös ruotsin "dö".

http://www.etymonline.com/index.php?sea ... hmode=none

" die (v.)

mid-12c., possibly from O.Dan. døja or O.N. deyja "to die, pass away," both from P.Gmc. *dawjanan,

from PIE base *dheu- "to pass away, become senseless."

It has been speculated that O.E. had *diegan, from the same source, but it is not in any of the surviving texts and the preferred words were steorfan (see starve), sweltan (see swelter), wesan dead, also forðgan and other euphemisms.

Languages usually don't borrow words from abroad for central life experiences, but "die" words are an exception, since they are often hidden or changed euphemistically out of superstitious dread.

A Du. euphemism translates as "to give the pipe to Maarten."

Regularly spelled dege through 15c., and still pronounced "dee" by some in Lancashire and Scotland. Used figuratively (of sounds, etc.) from 1580s. Related: Died; dies. "

Liettuan saksalainen etymologinen:

Nach Specht KZ 69, 119 ff. hängen sie vielmehr zusammen mit lit. diẽvas 'Gott',

ai. dyaus 'Himmel', griech. Zeúj, lat. diœs usw. (s. s. v. diẽvas).

Er geht von der Bed. des strahlenden Himmels aus und meint, dass sich die Begriffe 'trocknen = kuivata' und 'brennen = palaa, leuchten = valaista, strahlen = säteillä' sehr gut vereinigen lassen. Im Anschluss an Berneker IF 10, 158 erwähnt er noch

ai. dunóti 'brennt = palaa', dava- 'Brand = palo'. Nach ihm liegen hier, wie auch in mehreren anderen Fällen, Wörter mit anl. *d- und *di- nebeneinander. Der idg. Gott *DiŒus sei einurspr. Donner- und Blitzgott gewesen, und daraus erkläre sich die Bed. 'erschlagen' neben 'zum Trocknenaufhängen' von lit. džiáuti.

Über das Fortleben der Bed. 'lichter Tag' von lat. dies in der Sprache der Christen, besonders des hl. Ambrosius, und die Auffassung des Tages als Symbol Christi s. jetzt Havers Festschr. Debrunner 171 ff. "

Yllä esitetty "Zeus-etymologia" verbille "dziauti" on puutaheinää.

Sana tulee todellisuudessa liettuan omista aikasemmista kuivaamista tarkoittavista sanoista ns. z-kuurismi-ilmön (nyt ž-kuurismi) pohjalta samanlaisella "pumerankilla" kuurin kautta kuin sana zuikis = jänis omasta sanasta kiškis = jänis.

historia-kulttuurit-ja-yhteiskunta-f13/koska-suomaiset-ovat-muuttanet-suomeen-t45127-641.html

Todennäköinen kantasana on kasaamista pyöreälle korkealle kasalle tarkoittava vanha (lähes kadonnut) verbi

kiáu(g)ti (kiauñga, kiaugė), joista viimeinen muoto yhä tarkoittaa suurta heinä- tai olkikasaa, haasiaa.

Tämä palautuu tavalliseen "kasaa" ja "kumpua" ja sellaisten tekemistä tarkoittavaan IE-vartaloon *keuk-

Siitä tulee hyvin ilmeisesti myös se pienempi tärkeä pyöreä kasa: KIUAS! (Eräästä muusta johdannaismuodosta tulee preesensissä "kiuga".)

Homma menee niin, että verbiä vastaa kuurissa
*cjau(g)ti, *cjaun(g)a..., joka lainautuu säännönmukaisesti takaisin liettuaan merkitsemään aikaisempaa yhtä tai kahta pykälää teknisempiä toimia.

Suomen sana "sauna" on lainatunut muodosta "*cjauna". Jos sana olisi lainautunut etuvokaalisena, balteissa liudennuskonsonanttisena, siitä olisi tullut "**jäynä".

džiáuti (džiáuna, džióvė)

Tälle on monia paralleeleja, joista osa tässä rimpsussa:

http://www.indoeuropean.nl/cgi-bin/resp ... &sort=word

" Lithuanian: kiáugė = kuivattu heinäkasa

(= sama kuin preteeriti ”muinaisliettuan” verbistä *kiaugti (kiaunga,kiaugė) > džiauti (džiauna, džiovė) = asetella kuivamaan, savustumaan, hautumaan, tervatumaan saunaan, telineille,hautaan tai miiluun.

Etymology: s.s.v. káugė

(Samasta sanasta on siis sekä alkukirjaimeltaan liudentunut kmuoto kiaugė että liudentumaton káugė. Ja seuraava on toinen liudintunut muoto.)

Lithuanian: kiū'gis = kuiva heinäkasa

Etymology: s.s.v. káugė.

Lithuanian: kiugždė'ti

Etymology: s.s.v. kiáugždas.

Lithuanian: kiáugždas = kuivanut, kuivattu

Etymology: 'ausgefaulter Baum' = pystyynkuivanut puu, Pl. -aĩ 'taubes Korn' kuivattu vilja,
kiaugždė'ti ('-ja, '-jo) 'locker werden = löyhtyä, kuohkeutua (maa), trocken werden = kuivaa',
abltd. mit k(i)ugždė'ti ('-ja, '-jo) 'austrocknen = kuivaa, kuolla (kasvi), mager werden = laihtua, dahinsiechen' kitua, riutua,
kiùgžti (kiuñgžda, kiuñgždo) (1. p. kiungždù, kiugždaũ) dass.,
kiõ(g)žti (kioñgžda, kioñgždo) 'sich aufblähen = pullistella, locker werden = pöyhetä, möhentyä' (s. Specht KZ 55, 9 ff. und s.v. kė'ža = kääpiö, sowie s.v. kiõgžti).

Lithuanian: káugė = kuivattu heinäkasa,
Etymology: káugė, kū'gis, auch kiū'gis, kuogė, kuõdė 'grosser Haufen = suuri kasa, Heuschober' = heinäsuova, olkiauma
kaugurỹs, -ė 'mit Sandgras bewachsener, kleiner, steiler Hügel' (Nesselmann 187), = (hieta)heinäkumpu (dyyneillä, kumpu, joka jää korkealle, kun tuuli vie hiekan ruohottumattomilta alueilta, kuurismi)
lett. kaudze 'grosser, runder Heu- oder Kornschober = suuri pyöreä heinä-, tai viljasuova, Spitze = huippu, Haufe' = (suuri) kasa, kaugurs 'Gipfel eines Hügels' = kukkulan huippu,
kūĝis 'Heuhaufen' = heinäsuova (dies aus lit. kū'ĝis),
preuss. kugis Voc. 426 'Knauf am Schwertgriff' = miekankahvan nuppi,
cf. aisl. haugr 'Hügel', ahd., mhd. houc (Gen. houges) dass., aschwed. hugli, nhd. Hügel, bzw., wenn das baltische g auf unaspirierter Media beruht, aisl. hokinn 'gekrümmt', hūka, heykjask 'hocken', westf. hūk 'Hügel' (Holthausen IF 48, 260) etc. Siehe Zupitza GG 110, Būga Aist. st. 94, Izv. 17, 1, 28, KZ 51, 127, Persson Btr. 114 mit Anm. 2. Vgl. auch s.v. kaũkaras.

Lithuanian: (ap)kiaũsti (kiaũs(t)a, kiauto) = joutua tappiolle, lakata kasvamasta, kovettua kuivaamalla (savi, betoni)

Etymology: 'verkommen, im Wachstum zurückbleiben',
apkiaũsti (pkiaũsta, apkiaũto) 'hart werden = kovettua, verrinden = saada, muodostaa kova kuori, Kruste ansetzen' = muodostaa kuori (leipä ym),
apkiaũtęs medùkas 'verkommenes Bäumchen' = kääpiökasvuinen, kasvun lopettanut puu,
apkiaũtėlis 'abgehärmt = harmissaan oleva, zerlumpt = repaleinen, verkümmert = surkastunut, katkeroitunut'.

Nach Būga KS 229 nebst kiūtoti (kiūto...kiūtójo), kiūtė'ti (kiūti, kiūtė'jo) 'regungslos in einer Stellung verharren' = törröttää, zusammenhängend mit
kutė'ti (kutė'na, kutė'no) = 'aufrütteln' = ravistella, puristaa, kutittaa
”atkùsti (atkuñta...atkùto) (1. per. -kuntù, -kutaũ) 'sich ablösen = irtautua, erstarken = vahvistua, sich erholen = toipua, tointua, zunehmen = kerttua, lisääntyä (raha ym.), edistyä'.
Möglich wäre auch Zushg. mit kẽvalas 'Schale' = kuori,

skvẽtas 'abgerissenes Stück eines Gewebes' (irrotettu) kuori, kappale (nahkaa, kangasta) etc.

(s.s.v. kẽvalas).
Machek Rech. 74 ff. denkt an Verw. von kiaũsti etc. mit kùkštas 'dünne Stange mit einem daran befestigten Strohwisch (als Grenzzeichen dienend)' = (eräänalinen) mittakeppi,
kúokšta(s) 'Handvoll = kämmenellinen, Büschel = töyhtö',
russ. kust 'Busch, Strauch, Staude' etc. (s. über diese auch Trautmann Wb. 139, Vasmer ZslPh. 21, 137, Wb.1, 704, Būga LM 4, 439, KS 189).

Lithuanian: ”kìsti (kisa, kiso)” = asettaa pellava kuivamaan häkilälle

(Tässä saattaa olla verbin ”džiáuti (džiáuna, džióvė)” = asettaa kuivamaan, hautumaan, savustumaan, kytemään (tervahauta) tausta: kìsti < kim(p)sti (kb) > džiáuti.)

Etymology: 4. (kisù, kisiaũ), užkìsti (linùs) '(Flachsstengel) zum Trocknen auf die ardaĩ legen' (Memel, Daukantas, s. Geitler Stud. 78),

kisìmas 'zum Dreschen ausgebreitete Getreidelage' (Juškevič, Būga Izv. 17, 1, 19. 50),

ãtkisas 'zum Trocknen in den Ofen gelegtes Getreide'.