Ei ole mahdotonta, etteikö olisi kantaslaavin kentagermaanilainoja, sillä kantager-maani rinnastuu kielimuotona kantabaltoslaaviin: ne ovat haarautuneet kantaindo-euroopasta luultavasti n. 6000 vuotta sitten Euroopan alueella. Nämä lainat vaan pääasiassa ovat kaikea muuta kuin niitä, ja suuntakin on äissä usen väärä: Grimmin laeille vastakkainen.


[This article or section should specify the language of its non-English content, using {{lang}}, with an appropriate ISO 639 code. See why. (May 2019)]

Numerous lexemes that are reconstructible for the Proto-Slavic language have been identified as borrowings from the languages of various tribes that Proto-Slavic spea-kers came into contact with, either in prehistorical times or during their expansion when they first appeared in history in the 6th century (the Common Slavic period). [1] Most of the loanwords come from Germanic languages, with other contributors being Iranian, Celtic, and Turkic. The topic of such loanwords in Slavic has sparked nume-rous sharp debates in the 20th century,some of which persist to this day. Many words that were assumed to be borrowings in Proto-Slavic have had their Slavic origin dis-covered by linguists studying the field of etymology. Scientists like Max Vasmer and Oleg Trubachyov have done a huge amount of research to determine the true origin of Slavic words. Both Vasmer and Trubachev have compiled and published acade-mic dictionaries on Slavic languages and take into account all false and disputed to-pics in the field of Slavic etymology. Both dictionaries are used in academia world-wide and are considered the most accurate sources for Slavic etymology. Each dic-tionary consist of a compilation of printed books. But the online version of Vasmers dictionary is available for anyone to view for free.

https://lexicography.online/etymology/vasmer/; [2]

Another etymological dictionary written by G.P. Cyganenko, takes a more modern look at the theories presented by Vasmer and others. The dictionary is published in print but is also available online for free, however this dictionary mostly explains origins for words that are most common and is not as extensive as the works of Vasmer or Trubachev.



Slavic and Iranian

According to Matasović (2008), "solving the problem of Iranian loanwords in Slavic, their distribution and relative chronology,is one of the most important tasks of modern Slavic studies".[3]Slavs in the era of the Proto-Slavic language came into contact with various Iranian tribes,namely Scythians,Sarmatians,and Alans,which were present in vast regions of eastern and southeastern Europe in the first centuries CE. The names of two large rivers in the centre of Slavic expansion, Dnieper and Dniester, are of Iranian origin,and Iranian toponyms are found as far west as modern day Romania. [4]

For a long time there have been investigators who believe that the number of loan-words from Iranian languages in Proto-Slavic is substantial. For example, Gołąb (1992) maintains that all Slavic words with unexplained initial *x- are in fact Irania-nisms. However, there have been other Slavists who have claimed that confirmed Iranianisms in Slavic are in fact surprisingly few, and Matasović has raised broad ob-jections to the body of past Iranianist research. Meillet and Vaillant[5] cite the Slavic word *taparu, axe (Russ. topór, Pol. topór, Sr-Cr. tȍpor), [1] which came from Iranian *tapara- (cf. Persian tabar). (Gołąb, noting the etymological connection with Slavic *tepǫ, I hit, holds that this word is in fact a loan from Slavic into Iranian.) Meillet and Vaillant explain the alleged lack of Iranianisms in Slavic with the argument: "the civi-lization of warrior and partially nomadic tribes, like Scythian and Sarmatian, could have exerted only a cursory influence on the patriarchal civilization of Slavs." [5]

Matasović criticizes Gołąb's approach as "methodologically unacceptable", [4] emphasizing that initial *x- in Slavic has several sources, some of which have been ascertained (like PIE *#ks-), [6] and others which have not. [7] Matasović recommends that instances of initial *x- in Slavic should first be explained by recourse to regular Slavic sound laws, and that Iranian should be proposed as a source if and only if the etymon has been attested in Iranian and if and only if there is additional phonetic evidence to support the proposal.

Gołąb and Matasović concur that Reczek (1985) and Bernštejn (1961–74) compiled excessively large numbers of alleged Iranianisms by neglecting to thoroughly check the candidates against accepted sound changes in the various major descendants of Proto-Indo-European.

Two likely Iranian loanwords in Common Slavic are[1]

  • PSl. *gōnjā, cloak, mantle (Russ. gúnja, Pol. gunia, Sr-Cr. gȗnj) < Iranian *gaunyā (Av.[1]gaona-, Khotanese ggūna, Ossetian γun);
  • PSl. *rāji, heaven (OCS rajь, Pol. raj, Russ. raj, Sr-Cr. rȃj) < Iranian *rāy- (Av. rāy).

There are Iranianisms which have not been attested in every one of the three first order subdivisions of the Slavic languages (East, West, South); hence the evidence is lacking that these borrowings date back to Common Slavic. Examples:

  • PSl. *gupānu, master (Old Czech hpán, Pol. pan, Ukr. župan) < Iranian *gu-pāna 'cattle supervisor'
  • PSl. *pātrītej, to observe (Pol. patrzyć) < Iranian *pātray- (Av. pāθrāy 'to protect')

Meillet and Vaillant considered that the semasiological development of the Proto-Slavic word for god was an Iranianism. In both Slavic and Indo-Iranian, the root that denotes deity also denotes wealth, share (Proto-Slavic *bagu > Common Slavic *bogъ) and Indo-Iranian (Old Persian baga, Sanskrit bhága).[8] However, they did not argue that the Proto-Slavic root itself was a borrowing, despite its similarity to the Old Persian and Sanskrit roots.

One of the Iranian-Slavic lexical isoglosses is a lone adposition: Old Persian rādiy, OCS radi.[4]

Matasović notes typological coincidences between Slavic and Ossetian, an Iranian language whose ancestor was Alanic. In both modern Ossetian and the Slavic group, verbs are conjugated for perfective and imperfective aspects; prefixation is a promi-nent means of deriving perfective verbs from imperfective verbs;there are certain syn- tactic behaviors of pronominal clitics in common; both sporadically mark direct ob-jects with the genitive. It remains to be determined, however, whether those corres-pondences are a result of prehistoric contacts between Slavic and Alanic tribes, or just a case of accidental parallel development.

There is a few Proto-Slavic terms in the opinion of some linguist to be of Iranian ori-gin but hold no factual truth. These terms assumed Iranian origin has been rejected by the scientific community and refuted with factual study of etymology.

Slavic and Germanic

It is not certain when speakers of Proto-Slavic first came into contact with Germanic tribes: among Common Balto-Slavic words that have Centum reflexes, there is not a single one that has typical Germanic sound features.[9] As for the Baltic languages, all their prehistoric Germanic loanwords are either mediated through Slavic or are borrowed from Old Norse or Proto-Norse; i.e., borrowed during a period well after Slavic prehistory (which ended c. 600 CE). The conclusion is that the speakers of Germanic must have lived far from the area of the subsequent spread of speakers of Proto-Balto-Slavic.

The Goths are the first Germanic people who can be proved to have had intensive contacts with speakers of Proto-Slavic. Goths are believed to have reached the western shores of the Black Sea between the Danube and Dniester Rivers (an area covered by present-day Ukraine and Romania) about 230 CE, so contact between them and Proto-Slavic speakers might have started in the preceding century. Contact between these two groups continued all the way to the early historical period. It is believed that the Gothic language was the intermediary for the entry of many terms of Greco-Roman cultural provenience into Proto-Slavic, for example [1]

  • PSl. *wīna, wine (OCS vino) < Goth. wein (< Lat. vīnum); [dubious ]
  • PSl. *akitu, vinegar (OCS ocьtъ) < Goth. akeit (< Lat. acētum); [dubious ]
  • PSl. *kajsārju, [Roman] emperor (OCS cěsarь) < Goth. kaisareis (< Lat. caesar).[dubious ]

Here is a list of words which are generally held to be Germanic loanwords in Proto-Slavic: [1][10]

  • PSl. *asilu, donkey (OCS osьlъ) < Goth. asil- (< Lat. asellus);
  • PSl. *bergu, hill (OCS brěgъ) < Germanic *bergaz (cf. German Berg); Many scien-tist have rejected this theory of Germanic origin of the word and rather consider it an Indo-European cognate.
  • https://lexicography.online/etymology/vasmer/б/берег[11]
  • PSl. *bjōda, bowl (OCS bljudo) < Goth. biuda;
  • PSl. *bōkū, letter (OCS buky) < Goth. bōkō;
  • PSl. *činda, child, infant (OCS čędo) < Germanic *kinda (cf. German Kind); This word was originally believed to be of Germanic origin but many scientist have refuted that theory and the word is now considered to be an Indo-European cognate.
  • https://lexicography.online/etymology/vasmer/ч/чадо [12]
  • PSl. *gardu, enclosed space (OCS gradъ) < Goth. gards, court; The theory of this word being a Germanic loan has been rejected by many scientist and is now considered to be of Slavic origin.
  • https://lexicography.online/etymology/vasmer/г/город[13]
  • PSl. *ganeznantej, to grow healthy (OCS goneznǫti) < Goth. ganisan;
  • PSl. *kōpītej, to buy (OCS kupiti) < Goth. kaupjan (< Lat. caupo) (cf. German kaufen);

Vislataan nyt tämä ”kauppa”-sanan ympärillä riehunut farssikin poikki SAKSALAISELLA liettuan etymologisella sanakirjalla, sana on pressissa muodostettu ”kasaamista” tarkoittavaan balttilaiseen/kelttiläiseen ”kamp-”-sanueeseen:

Lithuanian: káupas,

Etymology: kaupas 'Haufen = kasa' Anhäufung, Überma­ss,

kaupti 'reinigen, säubern' und wie

káupinti 'scharrend häufen, aufhäufen, ansammeln',

Intens. kaup(st)ýti, Frequ. kaupinė´ti; kaupúoti = káupinti und 'mit gehäuftem Mass­e, reichlich zumessen',

kaupras, -ė 'kleine Bodenerhebung, Erdhügel,

preu­. Flu­n. Caupeaps, Ortsn. Kaupnitten (Gerullis Ortsn. 58);

im Ablaut mit lit. kupeta, -ena 'kleiner Heu- oder Getreidehaufen',

kupinas 'gehäuft, voll, reich an etw.',

kúopa 'Schar, Haufen' etc. (vgl. s. v. kupeta),

lett. kupata 'Heuschober', kupena 'Haufen', kupene 'Schneehaufen', kaupre 'kleiner Hügel, Hügelrücken', kuopa 'Haufen, Bund, Bündel'. Neben kaupas etc. finden sich auch Spielarten mit inlautendem b wie kaubras 'Erdhügel, Berggipfel, -kuppe' (s. s. v. kaubras, wo auch auf die zu diesem stimmenden ai. und germ. Verwandten aufmerksam gemacht worden ist).

Mit kaupas harmonieren im Vokalismus und Konsonantismus

abg. kupú 'Haufen', russ. kupa 'Haufen, Menge' etc.;

über die Spirans von apers. kaufa-,

av. kaofa- 'Bergrücken, Höhenzug',

npers. k¡h 'Berg' s. Kent Old Persian 29. 55. ”

kaupti tulee kantabaltoslaavin *kem-p-ti , joka tarkoittaa kasata, koota, kuormata, PIE juuresta *kem.

  • PSl. *kōsītej, to test, taste (OCS kusiti) < Goth. kausjan;
  • PSl. *kuningu, duke (OCS kъnędzь) < Germanic *kuningaz (cf. OE cyning, OHG chuning);
  • PSl. *lēku, cure (OCS lěkъ) < Germanic *lēka (cf. Gothic lēkareis, doctor);
  • PSl. *lōku, onion, leek (OCS lukъ) < Germanic *lauka- (cf. OHG lauh, OIcel. laukr);
  • PSl. *nōta, cattle (OCS nuta) < Germanic *nauta;
  • PSl. *ōseringu, ear-ring (OESl. userjazъ) < Goth. ausihriggs;
  • PSl. *pulku, folk (OCS plъkъ) < Germanic *fulkan (cf. OE, OHG folc);
  • PSl. *skulingu,[14] small money (OCS skъlędzь) < Goth. skilling;
  • PSl. *skatu, cattle (OCS skotъ) < Germanic *skatta (cf. German Schatz, treasure);
  • PSl. *smakū, fig (OCS smoky) < Goth. smakka;
  • PSl. *šelmu, helmet (OCS šlěmъ) < Germanic *helma- (cf. OHG helm);
  • PSl. *tūnu, fence (OCS tynъ) < Germanic *tūnaz < Celtic *dūno, fortification (cf. OIr dún);
  • PSl. *xlaiwu, pigsty (OCS xlěvъ) < Germanic *hlaiwan;
  • PSl. *xlajbu, bread (OCS xlěbъ) < Germanic *hlaibaz;
  • PSl. *xulmu, hummock (OCS xъlmъ) < Germanic *hulma-;
  • PSl. *xūzu, xūsu, house (OCS xyzъ) < Germanic *hūsan, *hūzan;
  • PSl. *želdān, to compensate damage (OCS žlěsti) [15] < Germanic *geldan, to buy out.

This set of loanwords covers diverse semantic fields, fields from which languages readily borrow words: buildings (*xūzu,*tūnu); terrain features (*xulmu, *bergu); social interaction and societal structure (*pulku, *želdān, *kōpītej, *činda); animals and cattle (*asilu, *skatu).

Thanks to Vasmer, Trubachev, and others, many Proto-Slavic words that were sup-posed Germanic borrowings have had their inaccuracies cleared up by factual Indo-European research.

Interpretation of the Germanic material

Many Germanic loanwords entered Slavic languages well after Proto-Slavic; i.e. in the Common Slavic period. After 600 CE most such borrowings came from Old High German.

Stender-Petersen (1927) assumes two layers of Germanic loanwords in Slavic (whe-ther into Proto-Slavic or into Common Slavic): words from Proto-Germanic and words from Gothic. Kiparsky suggests a more refined chronological layering:

  1. from Proto-Germanic, or Proto-East-Germanic
  2. from Gothic, which borrowings have spread to all Slavic languages
  3. from Balkan Gothic, which were confined only to the Slavic South
  4. from Old High German

All investigators agree that Germanicisms entered Proto-Slavic and Common Slavic over a lengthy period and subsequently underwent numerous sound changes. *činda, *želdān, *xelmu would predate the Slavic first palatalization; *lōku, *kōsitej, *kōpitej would predate the change, PSl. *aw > PSl. */ō/. Of special interest are certain Proto-Slavic accentual developments that can be observed in Germanic loanwords:

  1. Many Germanic words entered Proto-Slavic before the operation of Illič-Svityč's law, and accordingly most Germanic thematic neuters became masculine in Proto-Slavic. [16]
  2. Most Germanic loanwords entered Proto-Slavic before the operation of Dybo's law, and accordingly all Germanic loanwords with a short initial syllable become Proto-Slavic and Common Slavic oxytones. This fact dates Dybo's law rather late, as almost all Germanic loanwords were affected by it except for those very late ones which entered Common Slavic from Balkan Gothic or from Old High German. [17]

Slavic and Celtic

By the time Slavs start to appear in historical records, Celtic languages were already limited to the British Isles and modern-day France.[18] However, during Classical An-tiquity Celts populated the regions of Central Europe in which Slavs spread in the 6th and the 7th century,there may have been speakers of Celtic languages in the regions of Slavic expansion. In any case, it seems very possible that Celtic words might have entered Slavic indirectly instead, through Vulgar Latin/early Romance dialects, since Celtic, being but marginally spoken, was probably a low prestige idiom spoken by the lower classes of society.[citation needed] Two likely examples of direct borrowings from Celtic are

  1. PSl. *karwā ‘cow’ (Pol. krowa, Russ. koróva, SCr. krȁva), postulated by some to be a feminine derivative of a lost masculine noun supposedly borrowed from Proto-Celtic *karwos ‘deer’ (Welsh carw, Breton karv, Cornish karow), which would in turn be a regular Celtic centum reflex of PIE *ḱr̥(h₂)-u̯o-.[19][20] Moreover, Lithuanian kárvė, whose accentuation matches that of the Slavic etymons, points to prehistorical Balto-Slavic borrowing. However, this hypothesis fails to take into account Old Prussian curwis ‘ox’, and the Slavic protoform is usually reconstruc-ted as PSl. *kòrva, inherited with incomplete satemization from an o-grade PIE variant *ḱorh₂-u(e)h₂-.[21][22]
  2. PSl. *krawu ‘roof’ (OCS krovъ, Czech/Russ. krov) is traced by some to Germanic etymons with the same meaning (OE hrōf, ON hróf etc.); if Celtic mediation is as-sumed, from dialectal PIE *ḱrōpo- > Proto-Celtic *krāfo-[23] (cf. MIr cró ‘enclosure’, Welsh crau ‘hovel, pigsty’). However, the Slavic preform is usually reconstructed as PSl. *kròvъ and considered a derivative of *krỳti ‘to cover, hide’. [24] Further-more, the Celtic words are unrelated to Germanic (< *hrōfa- < *ḱrōpo-), stemming instead from Proto-Celtic *krewo- ~ kruwo-,[25] presumably from PIE *kreu̯h₁- ‘to hide’. [26]

There is also a row of supposed Proto-Celtic borrowings into Proto-Slavic that have been proposed by a few linguist but ultimately refuted or rejected in academia due to lack of factual evidence or phonetic inaccuracies.

Slavic and Greek

Ancient Greek words in Proto-Slavic are identified through phonetic features, some related to Greek phonetic history, others possibly Scythian-Sarmatian or Gothic medi-ations. Ancient Greek, non-mediated words are korablja (ark), koliba (cottage, hut), and supposedly trem (porch); Scythian mediations are luk (onion), haluga (fence), koš (basket), talog (dregs), kurva (whore); supposedly Gothic mediations are crkva (church) and daska (plank). [27]

Other Indo-European languages

Speculations as to contacts between Proto-Slavic speakers and other Indo-European languages have abounded in the literature on Slavic historical linguistics. Proposals have included Italic, Illyrian, Thracian, Venetic, and even Armenian.

Loanwords from non-Indo-European languages

There are words that undoubtedly were borrowed from non-Indo-European langua-ges. Most of these words came from Turkic languages, chiefly Bulgar and European Avar.[28] Among commonly cited examples of non-IE loanwords are

  • OCS kъniga ‘book’ < Turkic küiniŋ < Middle Chinese kjwen ‘scroll’ (cf. Mandarin juǎn );
  • OCS bisьrъ ‘pearl’ < Turkic < Arabic busr
  • Common Slavic *xъmelь ‘common hop (Humulus lupulus)’ < Turkic *qumlaq (cf. Bashkir qomalaq, Chuvash χǝ̂mla < *qumlaɣ);
  • OCS kovъčegъ ‘box, casket’ < Avar [citation needed]; cf. Mongolian qagurčag;
  • Common Slavic *tъlmačь ‘interpreter’ < Turkic [citation needed] (cf. Kyrgyz tilmeç, Turkish dilmaç);
  • Common Slavic *klobukъ ‘hat’ < Turkic (cf. Crimean Tatar kalpak ‘hat, cap’).


Language abbreviations used in this article: Av. Avestan; Sr-Cr. Serbo-Croatian; Goth. Gothic; Lat. Latin; OCS Old Church Slavonic; OE Old English; OHG Old High German; OIr. Old Irish; ON Old Norse; PGm. Proto-Germanic; Pol. Polish; PSl. Proto-Slavic; Russ. Russian

2. https://lexicography.online/etymology/vasmer/. Missing or empty |title= (help)

3. Matasović 2008:48

4. Matasović 2008:47

5. Meillet & Vaillant 1934:508

6. By the RUKI law: *#ks- > *#- > *#kx- > *#x-.

7. Sometimes PIE *#sk- metathesizes into *#ks- which then regularly yields Proto-Slavic initial *x-. This is not, however, a regular sound change. There are several other sandhi environments (some of which were analogically leveled out in Proto-Slavic) that also yield initial *#x-.

8. Compare Old Church Slavonic (OCS) bogatъ, rich, to ubogъ, poor.

9. Matasović 2008: 49

10. Saskia Pronk-Tiethoff, The Germanic Loanwords in Proto-Slavic. Amsterdam: Rodopi, 2013.

11. https://lexicography.online/etymology/vasmer/б/берег. Missing or empty (help)

12.  https://lexicography.online/etymology/vasmer/ч/чадо. Missing or empty (help)

13.  https://lexicography.online/etymology/vasmer/г/город. Missing or empty (help)

14. The expected form *skilingu is incompatible with Proto-Slavic phonotactics, compare *činda, not *kinda, hence the conversion of the *i to *u after *k.

15. First-person present singular is žlědǫ; in the infinitive -dt- is dissimilated to -st-, this being a common Balto-Slavic process still operable in Proto-Slavic.

16. Compare masculine Proto-Slavic *xūsu with neuter modern German Haus, mas-culine Proto-Slavic *pulku with neuter modern German Volk etc. Late Proto-Germanic (after the operation of Verner's law), as well as all attested ancient Germanic langua-ges, had word stress fixed on the first syllable of a word, and Germanic loanwords were thus susceptible to the operation of Illič-Svityč's law.

17. E.g. Russ. smókva < Goth. smakka.

18. Matasović 2008:52

19. Eugen, Hill (2012). "Hidden sound laws in the inflectional morphology of Proto-Indo-European". In Nielsen Whitehead, Benedicte; Olander, Thomas; Olsen, Birgit Anette; et al. (eds.). The Sound of Indo-European – Phonetics, Phonemics and Morphophonemics. Copenhagen: Museum Tusculanum Press. p. 190. Retrieved 11 October 2015.

20. *ḱr̥(h₂)-u̯o- is a zero-grade derivative of PIE *ḱr̥(h₂)- ~ *ḱer(h₂)- ‘horn’; cf. Avestan sruuā- ‘horn’, Ancient Greek κεραός, keraós ‘horned’, Lat. cervus ‘deer’, etc.

21. Rick Derksen, Etymological Dictionary of the Slavic Inherited Lexicon (Leiden: Brill, 2008), 236.

22. Nicholas Zair, The Reflexes of Proto-Indo-European Laryngeals in Celtic (Leiden: Brill, 2012), 94-5.

23. Ranko Matasović, Etymological Dictionary of Proto-Celtic (Leiden: Brill, 2009), 221.

24. Rick Derksen, EDSIL, 250.

25. Nicholas Zair, Reflexes of PIE Laryngeals, 170-1.

26. Ranko Matasović, Addenda et corrigenda to Ranko Matasović’s Etymological Dictionary of Proto-Celtic (Brill, Leiden 2009). Published online (Zagreb, 2011), 23.

27. Vlajić-Popović, Jasna (2015). "Serbian and Greek: A Long History of Lexical Borrowing" (PDF). Slavic Eurasian Studies. Hokkaido University. 28: 157.

28.This ancient language is not to be confused with the language of the modern Avar people of the Caucasus. The genetic affiliation of the "European Avar" language of medieval European history is indetermined, with rival proposals being Turkic, Mongolian, and Iranian.


Further reading

  • Bernštejn, S. B. (1961–74). Очерк сравнительной грамматики славянских языков, I, II (in Russian). Moscow: Nauka.
  • Gołąb, Zbigniew (1992). The Origins of the Slavs: A Linguist's View. Columbus: Slavica. ISBN 978-0-89357-231-0. (in German) Holzer, Georg. 1990. Germanis-che Lehnwörter im Urslavischen: Methodologisches zu ihrer Identifizierung. Croa-tica, Slavica, Indoeuropea.Wien:Österreichischen Akademie der Wissenschaften. Series: Wiener Slawistisches Jahrbuch, Ergänzungsband; VIII. 59–67.
  • Мартынов (Martynov), Viktor Vladimirovič (1963). Славяно-германское лекси-ческое взаимодействие древнейшей поры: К проблеме прародины славян (Slavjano-germanskoe leksičeskoe vzaimodejstvie drevnejšej pory: k probleme prarodiny slavjan) (in Russian). Minsk: Izdat. AN BSSR.
  • Мартынов (Martynov), Viktor Vladimirovič (1978). Балто-славяно-италийские изоглоссы. Лексическая синонимия. (Balto-slaviano-italiiskie izoglossy: leksicheskaia sinonimiia.) (in Russian). Minsk: Izdat. AN BSSR.
  • Мартынов (Martynov), Viktor Vladimirovič (1983). Язык в пространстве и времени (Iazyk v prostranstve i vremeni) (in Russian). Moscow: Nauka.
  • Matasović, Ranko (2008). Poredbenopovijesna gramatika hrvatskoga jezika [Comparative historical grammar of the Croatian language] (in Croatian). Zagreb: Matica hrvatska. ISBN 978-953-150-840-7. (in French) Meillet, Antoine; André Vaillant. 1934. Le slave commun. Paris: H. Champion.
  • Saskia Pronk-Tiethoff. The Germanic Loanwords in Proto-Slavic. Amsterdam: Rodopi, 2013.
  • Reczek, Jozef; Jan Michał Rozwadowski (1985). Najstarsze Słowiańsko-Irańskie Stosunki Językowe (in Polish). Warsaw: Nakł. Uniwersytetu Jagiellońskiego. ISBN 978-83-233-0041-0.
  • https://lexicography.online/etymology/vasmer/
  • Эдельман [Edelman], Джой Иосифовна [Joy Iosifovna] (2002). Иранские и славянские языки : Исторические отношения (in Russian). Moscow: РАН. (temporarily bad link, try first page)
  • Mihaljević, Milan (2002). Slavenska poredbena gramatika, 1. dio, Uvod i fonologija (in Croatian). Zagreb: Školska knjiga. ISBN 953-0-30225-8.
  • Cvetko-Orešnik, Varja (1998). K metodologiji preučevanja baltoslovansko-indo-iranskih jezikovnih odnosov (Linguistica et philologica, 1) (in Slovenian). Ljubljana: ZRC SAZU. ISBN 961-6182-61-7.
  • Schenker, Alexander M. (1995). The Dawn of Slavic: An Introduction to Slavic Philology. New Haven: Yale University Press. ISBN 978-0-300-05846-8.
  • Stender-Petersen, Adolf (1927). Slavisch-germanische Lehnwortkunde : eine Studie über die ältesten germanischen Lehnwörter im slavischen in Sprach und Kulturgeschichtlicher Beleuchtung (in German). Göteborg: Elanders boktryckeri aktiebolag.
  • Trubačev, Oleg (1965). Из славяно-иранских лексических отношений. Этимология (in Russian): 3–81.
  • Pronk-Tiethoff, S. E. (2012). "The Germanic loanwords in Proto-Slavic: origin and accentuation". Leiden University Centre for Linguistics (LUCL), Faculty of Humanities, Leiden University.