Antet ovat ainoa roomalaisajan lähteissä itäslaavilaiseksi mainittu ja oletettu kansa. He asuivat Mustanmeren pohjoirannikolla länsipuolellaan germaaniset ostrogootit ja itäpuolellaan iranilaiset alaanit. Heidät tunnetaan erityisesti ostro-goottien rankaisuretkestä heidän alistamisekseen.Kanadanukrainalainen BOH- DAN STRUMINŚKYJ pyrkii osoittamaan heidät nimitiedon perusteella, jota on saatu roomalaista ja goottilsista lähteistä, GERMAANEIKSI. "Perusteet germaa- nisuudelle" ovat laadultaan "saarikiviveä ja koivulehtoa", mutta toisaalta STRU-MINŚKYJ kritisoi ilmeisen ansiokkaasti tuon nimistön "venäjäetymologioita".

" Boz (king)

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia


King of the Antes


late 4th century






c. 380


eight sons



Boz (c. 380) was the king of the Antes, an early Slavic people that lived in parts of present-day Ukraine. His story is mentioned by Jordanes in the Getica (550–551); in the preceding years, the Ostrogoths under Ermanaric had conquered a large number of tribes in Central Europe (see Oium), including the Antes. Some years after the Ost-rogothic defeat by the invading Huns, a king named Vinitharius, Ermanaric's great-nephew, marched against the Antes of Boz and defeated them. Vinitharius condem-ned Boz, his sons, and seventy of his nobles, to crucifixion, in order to terrorize the Antes. These conflicts constitute the only pre-6th century contacts between Germanics and Slavs documented in written sources.



Byzantine historian Jordanes wrote in his De origine actibusque Getarum (or "Geti-ca", written in 550 or 551[1]) that King Ermanaric (fl. 370s) of the Greuthungi (a Gothic tribe, most likely the same as the later Ostrogoths), member of the Amali dynasty, ma-naged to subdue a large number of tribes in Europe (Cassiodorus called him "ruler of all nations of Scythia and Germania"), and he is said to have lastly subjugated the Wends (Slavs).[2] Jordanes noted that the Gothic tribes regularly made raids into Slavic territory.[2]

Jordanes mentioned three tribes of the same origin,that constituted the Slavs: Wends (West Slavs), Antes (East Slavs) and Sklaveni (South Slavs), and stated that the Antes were the bravest and strongest among these.[1][3] He also stated that the Antes' rule was hereditary,[4] while Procopius maintained that the Sklaveni and Antes "are not ruled by one man, but they have lived from old under a democracy".[5] According to Roman Smal-Stocki, the Antes received a strong ruling power and military organi-zation over time from the Gothic influence.[6] They inhabited the area between the Dniester and Dnieper,[6] most likely in the region extending from the Vistula to the Danube mouth and eastwards to the Don.[3] The tribal union of the Antes probably included some neighbouring West Slavic tribes.[6] The Antes seem to have attempted to form their own state in the frontiers of – or even within – the Gothic state, judging by Jordanes' naming Boz as "king".[7]

Story of Boz

Approximate location of the Ostrogoths, Antes, Huns and Alans in c. 380.

The Huns, accompanied by the Alani whom they had just conquered, invaded Erma-naric's territories.[8] Ermanaric, who feared devastation, took his own life.[8] In the years following Ermanaric's death, there was a war between the section of the Ostrogoths who remained under Hun rule, and the Antes. [2][9]

Ermanaric's great-nephew, Vinitharius, who disliked being under Hun rule, withdrew his forces and marched against the Antes in order to defeat them and to show his courage.[9] This took place in the last quarter of the 4th century,[10] possibly around 380.[3] Boz, the king of the Antes (rex Antorum), had organized an alliance to defend the Antes,[3] and managed to defeat Vinitharius in their first encounters, however, Vinitharius fought valiantly and managed to capture and crucify Boz, together with his sons and 70 of his chiefs (primates).[10][11] Vinitharius left their bodies hanging to in-duce fear in those who had surrendered.[11]These conflicts constitute the only pre-6th century contacts between Germanics and Slavs documented in written sources. [12]


Afterwards, the Alans (according to contemporary Marcellinus, though Jordanes said it was Huns) rushed to rescue their kin,with a decisive battle fought against the Ostro- goths at the river Erak (now called Tylihul), in which the Ostrogoths were defeated and pushed west.[13]The Ostrogoths eventually reached the lower Danube shores.[13]


Jordanes wrote his name in Late Latin as Boz ("Boz nomine"), though several manu-scripts of the Getica use Box or Booz.[14] There are various theories in etymological studies regarding the name.

The name has been rendered in the Slavic languages as Bož (Бож, Божь; translite-rated as Bozh). One theory is that it derives from the Slavic word bog,"God", interpre- ted as "God's".[15]Polish linguist Stanisław Urbańczyk (1909-2000) mentioned *Božь (divine), *Vo(d)žь (chief), and *Bosь (barefooted) as possibilites.[16] Polish linguist Stanisław Rospond (1906–1982) concluded that Bos, "barefooted", was his name, and that the other etymologies put forward by Urbańczyk were less probable; he sup-ported this by connecting Boz with Bus (Боусь) of The Tale of Igor's Campaign, as Omeljan Ohonovskyj (1833–1894) had first done in 1876 (see #Legend section). [16]

Ukrainian scholar Mykhailo Hrushevsky (1866–1934) speculated that his name was "perhaps Bozhko, Bozhydar,Bohdan".[17] Ukrainian Bohdan Struminsky stressed that as the first palatalizations ( > žь, etc.) had not yet occurred in Slavic at the time of Boz, *Božь was unconvincing and *Vo(d)žь "even less acceptable". Although sup-porting the connection with Bus, he assumed that it was Gothic, as *Bōs, found in si-milar variants as West Gothic Bōsō, of uncertain date, "probably meaning 'Sorcerer'", and Anglo-Saxon Bōsa, from the 7th century.[18]

His title, rex Antorum, translates to "King of the Antes". [2][10][15] Ukrainian historian Mykola Andrusiak assumed, as Jordanes used rex for both Germanic rulers and the ruler of the Antes, that the Eastern Slavs had adopted "*kuning-" from the Goths and Slavicized it into "kǔnędzǐ" (knyaz), translated by Jordanes as "rex". [19]

Historian Florin Curta believes that Jordanes' account regarding Boz and Vinitharius possibly originated in the Gothic oral tradition, given the narrative pattern of the story. [20] He views of Boz as "quasi-legendary", as he is the only Slavic leader mentioned by Jordanes, while no leader is mentioned by Procopius.[21]

Some historians have tried to identify Boz with Bus mentioned in the Tale of Igor's Campaign,[17]in which boyars tell Sviatoslav I of Kiev (r.945-972) of "Gothic maidens  ... singing about the time of Bus",[22] but this has been refuted.[2][17]The first to connect the two was Omeljan Ohonovskyj (1833–1894), in 1876. He was later supported by Stanisław Rospond. [18]


Were the Antes Eastern Slavs?*


l. According to the standard view in Slavic countries as well as in some non-Slavic ones the question of whether the Antes were Eastern Slavs does not exist. For example, the authoritative and representative Polish Slownik staroźytności slowiań-skich states without hesitation: "Antowie, nazwa oznaczajca ww. IV-VI Slowian wsch[odnich].” 1

This belief is based mostly on two early medieval sources Jordanes and Procopius of Caesarea. The former stated in his De origine actibusque Getarum, completed in 551, perhaps in Ravenna: "Ab ortu Vistulae fluminis per immensa spatia Venetharum natio populosa consedit; quorum nomina licet nunc per varias familias et loca muten-tur, principaliter tamen Sclaveniet Antes nominantur." Jordanes returned to the same subject in another place in his book: "hi /=Venethi/, ut in initio expositionis vel cata-logo gentium dicere coepimus, ab una stirpe exorti, tria nunc nomina ediderunt, id est Venethi, Antes, Sclaveni." 2

The two passages are not logically well coordinated:the first suggests that a common group called Venetians was composed of the Slavs and the Antes, whereas the se-cond makes one think that the group had three cognate members the Venetians, the Antes, and the Slavs with the name of the first also used as a designation for the entire group.

If one accepted the assumption of many Slavists that the names of these three mem-ber groups reflected three branches of the Proto-Slavic people, one would expect the name "Sclaveni," rather than "Venetians," to be used as the common name for the group as a whole.

* I´m grateful to Professor Winfred Lehmann of the University of Texas and Profes-sor James Dishington of Harvard University for their remarks on the Germanic aspects of this article.

1. Sĺownik staroźytności slowiańskich, vol. 1 Wrociaw etc., 1961, p. 35.

2.  Iordan: O proisxoźdenii i dejanijax gotov: Getica Moscow, 1960, pp. 136,15


The other source, Procopius, in his Ῠπèp τών πoλéμών, written in the years 545 - 554, after describing the habits of the Slavs and the Antes, states this: έστι δè καi μια έκatέροις φovε άτexχvως βaρβaρoς. 3

But could Procopius, who was born in Palestine, lived in Byzantium, and traveled to Africa and Italy, have known much about the language of the Slavs and the Antes? After all, even in our times of general enlightenment and easy communication, one tends to identify disparate languages in remote "barbaric" countries as cognate on the basis of their geographic neighborhood. 4

Procopius’s linguistic information about the Antes need not have been any better than that of Theophylactus Simocatta, who, in his Iστopίaι 602 or later, mentioned a Mouςώκιov τoν λέγóμεvov ρέγα τη τοv βaρβάpov φovη, 5 although in reality was the Latin rex applied by the Byzantines themselves to the chiefs of Slavic and Antian tribes. Thus, the information of Jordanes and Procopius alone is not clear or reliable enough to solve the problem of the ethnolinguistic character of the Antes.  

2. It is unnecessary for us to discuss here the enigmatic ethnic name Cissianti, men-tioned between Cimmerii, Achaei, and Georgili by the Roman geographer Pompo-nius Mela in his De chorographia written between 40 and 80 A.D., 6 repeated by Plinius the Elder in his Naturalis historia completed in 80 A.D. as Cissianthi, again between Cimmerii and Georgi.  7

The name is connected with Antes by the abovementioned Słownik. It is only from the 370s on a period establishable on the basis of Jordanes that one can talk of the Antes as a people.

3. The etymology of the name Antes remains unclear, but its explanation is irrelevant for the question posed here. The ethnic character of a nation does not have to be reflected in its name e.g., the Slavic Bulgarians have a Turkic name, the Romance French have a Germanic name, etc...

4. It is rather more important to analyze the personal names of the Antes as they appear in historical sources. The most complete overview of these names to date was done by Stanisław Rospond in 1968. 8

He had no doubt that the Antes were Slavs; hence his etymologies for their names are consistently Slavic.

3. Prokop, Gotenkriege Munich, 1966, p. 528.

4. For example, in the Census of population. Subject reports. National origin and language Washington, 1973, pp. 98, 492, Slavic languages in the United States are called "Balto-Slavonic dialects," and in Max K. Adler’s Welsh and the Other Dying Languages in Europe: A Socio-Linguistic Study Hamburg, 1977, p. 1, Prussian is called a Slavic language.

5.Theophylactus Simccatta, Historiae, ed. by K. De Boor and P. Wirth Stuttgart, 1952, p. 236; the word is interpreted as Latin and not as being "barbaric" by Marian Plezia, Greckie i ĺacińskie źrodĺa do najstarszych dziejów Sĺowian, pt. 1 Poznań and Cracow, 1952, pp. 95, 108.

6.  Pomponius Mela, De chorographia libri tresGoteborg, 1971, p. 5.

7. Histoire naturelle de Pline, vol. 1 Paris, 1855, p. 244.

8. Stanislaw Rospond, "Słowiañskie imiona w źródlach antycznych," Lingua Posnaniensis Poznań, 12-13 1968: 99-117.


4.1.The first Antian name analyzed by Rospond is Booz//Boz,from Jordanes. Descri- bing the situation after the conquest of the Ostrogoths by the Huns in the 370s, Jor-danes says this about the Ostrogothic king Vinitharius: "paululum se subtrahens ab illis [= the Huns] suaque dum nititur ostendere virtute, in Antorum fines movit procinc-tum, eosque durn adgreditur prima congressione superatus,deinde fortiter egit regem que eorum Boz nomine cum filiis suis et LXX primatibus in exemplum terroris adfixit, ut dediticiis metum cadavera pendentium geminarent." 9

According to Rospond, the name of the Antian leader is the Slavic *Bosƅ ‘Barefooted’. 10

He also cites other Slavic etymologies suggested by Stanisław Urbańczyk in Słownik *Božb ‘Divine,’ *Vo(d)žb ‘Chief’ as being "less probable." 11

The former would imply that the first palatalization (gb > žb, etc.). Had already occur-red in Slavic by the 370s, which is not particularly convincing because this palatali-zation was not yet completed in the 5th or 6th c. or even later, when the Slavs were colonizing the upper Dnieper region. It was after that colonization that the Baltic Akesa, etc., changed into Očesa, etc. 12

Even less acceptable is Vodzb, because it would suggest that the local East Slavic dj > ž change occurred in a period when the common Slavic language still existed. For the Ukraine George Y. Shevelov dates it to the 8th c., 13

But it may have been even later. 14

9. Iordan, O proisxoždenii, p. 170.

10. Rospond, "Słowiańskie imiona," p. 102.

11. Rospond, "Słowiańskie imiona," p. 103; cf. Słownik. 1:155. The Božb etymology was already suggested by Myxajlo Hruševs´kyj in Istorija Ukrajny-Rusy, vol. 1 Kiev, 1913, p. 177.

12. George Y. Shevelov, A Prehistory of Slavic New York, 1965, p. 252; Zdzisław Stieber, Zarys gramatyki poró wnawczej języków słowiańskich: Fonologia Warsaw, 1969, p. 67.

13. George Y. Shevelov, A Historical Phonology of the Ukrainian Language Heidel-berg, 1979, p.70. ‘The records dating to AD. 948-952 in Constantine Porphyroge-nitus’s De ad ministrando imperio, G. Moravcsik and R.J.H. Jenkins Dumbar- ton Oaks, Wash.,1967, still show a hesitation on tj > č which was obviously simulta-neous with dj > ǯ: Bερoυζη < *VbrQtbjb pp. 60 - 61, των Kριβιτζών < *Krivitjb pp. 62 - 63 //oí Kριβηtaιηvoi pp. 56 - 57. An earlier anonymous Arabic source, dating to the late 9th c., gives the Proto-South-Russian tribe the name *Vętitji, not Vjatiči, an emendation confirmed by later Arabic and Khazar-Jewish sources (Tadeusz Lewic-ki, žródła arabskie do dziejów Sĺowiańszczyzny, vol.2,pt.2 [Wroclaw, etc., 1977], pp. 35, 110-11.)


To support the Bosb etymology also taken from Urbanczyk, Rospond refers to a passage in the Old Ukrainian Cizoeo Co nizy Hiopeom of 1187:


Rospond accepted the old view first expressed by Omeljan Ohonovśkyj in 1876 that Boycb equalled Booz in Jordanes. But if Booz was an Eastern Slav who fought against Goths, why did Gothic girls in Crimea or in Tmutorokan’,under Cumanic rule sing about "Booz’s times", rather than about "Vinitharius’s times," i.e., the victories of their ancestral king over Booz, the ancestor of the Ruthenians? After all, the Goths were then on the Cumanic side, they shared in their Ruthenian booties (ӡBÓНÁ  POYKИ ӡЛÁTÓ),and they dreamed of Cumanic revenge for Saruxan, 16.  the Cuma-nic khan who was defeated or assailed by Ruthenians in 1068, 1107, 1111, and l1l6. 17. The only logical conclusion is that Boycb was considered by the Maeotic Goths to be their own hero. Since the Slavic u corresponds to õ in Loanwords from Gothic e.g., *buky < bōka, ‘sign of script’, we might assume that the name was something like *Bōs in Gothic. A similar feminine name really existed in West Gothic: Bōsō, of uncertain date,probably meaning ‘Sorcerer = noita’. 18. Its masculine equivalent could be *Bōs or *Bōsa cf. Anglo-Saxon Bōsa, from the 7th c. 19.

15. Volodymyr Peretc, ‘Slovo o polku Ihorevim," Ukrajinśka akademija nauk: Zbirnyk Istoryćno-filolohićnoho viddilu 33 1926: 112.

16. "Yellow Ruler." Although accepting this etymology, Karl H. Menges, in "The Ori-ental Elements in the Vocabulary of the Oldest Russian Epos,the Igor’ Tale," Supple- ment to Word New York, 1951, no.1, p. 65, questioned whether it could not be the Proto-Bulgarian *Śraqan ‘Dragon’. Supporting the accepted etymology, how ever, is the existence of the Turkish and Azerbaijani masculine names Sarihan//Sarhan and Capxan, respectively. Semsettin Kutlu: Türkce kadin ye erkek adlart Ankara, 1969, p. 85; A.R. Maxmudov, Fonetitśeskie osnovy peredaći azerbajdźanskix imën sobstven-nyx na russkom jazyke i russkix imën sobstvennyx na azerbajdźanskom jazyke Baku,1973, p. 66.

17. Peretc, "Slovo o polku Ihorevim," pp. 264-65.

18. M. Schönfeld, Wörterbuch der altgermanischen Personen- und Volkernamen Heidelberg, 1911, Pp. 52, 283; F. Holthausen, Gotisches etynologisches Worterbuch Heidelberg, 1934, p. 16.

19. Holthausen, Gotisches etymologisches Wörterbuch, p. 16; Hans Naumann, Alt nordische Namenstudien Berlin, 1912, p. 82.


4.2. Rospond also considers the personal name in the following passage to be Antian, i.e., East Slavic:

totç ‘Avtatç Taai9flvat rthv êvav tIow,EKXaflvöv] tctX1KcV. Y tai5ti 3è t tdi Eic?ajhivOç dvfp ty ‘rtva iroq.ttov iptt yevctdoKovra, XtXf3oii&ov óvog.ta, aLXlth?Aotov rJ?c Procopius, tirp töv itoXl.uoy.2°

Rospond interpreted this [Hilboudion] as Slavic *Xvalibudb, ‘the Awakener of glory’.20.

He had to admit, however, that "the first component is unclear." Apart from the phone-tic difficulties Xili > Xvali-?, the semantic-formal interpretation is untenable be cause Xvali- in Slavic names is a verbaloptative, and  not nominal, element, which is follo-wed by a nominal objective, and not verbal, one, e.g., *Xvalibogb, ‘Praise God’, *Xvalimiro ‘Praise peace’, *Xvalislavb, ‘Praise glory’, etc. The -Boudioç element makes one think of Germanic names with the second component coming from the Indo-European stem *bheudh..// *bhoudh../ /*bhudh...

The closest equivalent to our name is the 7th c. German Hillibodo/ /Hildibodo, ‘Battle messenger’ 22. Old High German hiltia, ‘battle’,and bodo//boto, ‘messenger’ < Proto-Germanic *buóan< *bhudhon. The first component of this name *xildi, Gothic *hildi shows a similar ld> ll simplification, as we see in XtAom5&oç//XtXt-3oti&oç the latter, more complete form is known from a Constantinople sepulcher dating to 529.  23.
As for the reduction of the final vowel in hildi, cf. The 6th c. East Gothic name ‘Ildoups/Indolps [Endolf], ‘Battle wolf’. 24.

This syncopeof the final vowel in the first component occurred especially before the labial w as in Gothic wulfs, ‘wolf’ of the second component. 25.

Apparently the same was true before the labial ‘h, into which Gothic b developed in an intervocalic position as was the case in Xiltoboutoç.

But apart from the West Germanic *..budan names, there were also some witha diffe-rent form of the second component: *..baudijaz < *..bhoudhijos, most likely having the same meaning. 26. In particular, we see it in the Gothic Cannabaudes of ca. 300 AD., 27. probably meaning "Messenger of a sign," cf. Old Nordic kanna, ‘mark, sign Kennzeichen’, and Gothic -kannjan, ‘to make known’,

20. Prokop, Gotenkriege, pp. 522-24.

21. Rospond, "Stowiañskie imiona," P. 104.

22. Ernst Forstemann, Altdeutsches Nansenbuch, vol. 1 Bonn, 1900, pp. 823-24. Förstemann adduced Xilboudioç from Procopius, with a question mark.

23. Lubor Niederle, Slovanské starofitnosti, vol. 2, pt. 1 Prague, 1906, p. 196.

24. Naumann, Altnordische Namenstudien, p. 47; cf. Holthausen, Gotisches etymologisches Wörterbuch, p. 45.

25. Schönfeld, Wörterbuch, p. 129.

26. Cf. Förstemann, Alt deutsches Namenbuch, p. 249; Schönfeld, Wörterbuch, p. 42.

27. Schönfeld, Wörterbuch, p. 60; Holthausen, Gotisches etvmologisches Wörterbuch, p. 13.


as well as a number of other Germanic names:4th c.Bainobaudes,‘Messenger of help’, 4th c. Alemanic Hariobaudes, ‘Army messenger’, 4th c. Frankish Merobaudes, ‘Glorious messenger’, etc. 28.

Thus the Gothic equivalent of the German Hillibodo may have been *Hilibaudeis built like other 10-nouns with a long-vowel root, e.g., xirdijaz >
hérdeis, ‘shepherd’.

The monophthongization of au into an oh in Xiltibog can be explained as a tendency in north Pontic Gothic, as recorded by the Dutchman Ogier Ghiselin de Busbecke in 1560-62 in the Crimea, e.g., classic Gothic augona, ‘eyes’, haubid, ‘head’ -Crimean Gothic oeghene, hoef Dutch oe a.

29. Thus we can establish the Gothic form of our name as *Hilibũdeis with ei pro-nounced as 1. Since Greek names in -tg were considered abbreviations of -tog names, 3° our name could easily have received the Greek -tog ending.

In general terms,the Germanic origin of this name was considered "doubtless" by Max Vasmer in 1942.’

Procopius reported that the name XtA3om5&og belonged not only to an adolescent Antian captive, but also to a well-known Byzantine troop commander who fell while fighting the Huns, Antes, and Slavs ca. 533. This commonality of names allowed the young Antian captive of the Slavs to
pretend to be the fallen Byzantine commander.

Apparently, *Hilibüdeis, ‘Battle messenger’, was a popular name among the belli-cose eastern Germanic people in the 6th c., for we encounter three different persons with this name during the brief period of the 520s and 530s.

4.3. The next nameanalyzed by Rospond is ia3paygag in’Iatoptciiv ról.Lot c’, by Aga-thiasof Myrina, who died in 582 leaving his work unfinished. In the  description of a Byzantine war in Georgia Caucasus against Persia, Agathias mentions the following officers of the Byzantine army: apcvygag, "Avtiigdvjp, taiapxog, iai Oiiwóg ttg Xoxayóc, ‘Extfyyetpog óvota. 33.

28. Schonfeld, Wdrterbuch, pp. 42, 127, 167, 298.

29. Max Hermann Jellinek, Geschichte der gotmschen Sprache Berlin and Leipzig,1926

30. W. Pape,Wörterbuch der griechischen Eigennamen, vol. 1 Braunschweig, 1875, p. Xviii. Cf. The change of Latin -is words into -toç ones in Byzantine Greek: Stama-tios B. Psaltes, Grammatik der Byzantinischen Kroniken Gottingen, 1913, p. 185.

31. M. Vasmer, "Beitrage zur slavischen Altertumskunde,"Zeitschrift für slavische Philologie Berlin, 18 1942: 55 reprinted in M. Vasmer, Schriften zur slavischen Altertumskunde und Namenkunde, vol. 2 [Berlin, 1971], p. 915.

32. Prokop, Gotenkriege, pp. 520-23, 525-31.

33. Agathias Myrinaeus, Historiarum libri quinque Messina, 1969, p. 170. 792 BOHDAN STRUMINS’KYJ

Rospond interprets the former Antian name as Slavic *Dobrogostb, 34. which cannot be considered a satisfactory explanation.

Earlier, in 1938, J. J. Mikkola tried to interpret the name in question as Slavic *Dobrojézdb, 35. but M. Vasmer rightly rejected this idea 36. as Rospond also did because no Slavic names with a -jézdb element are known. Instead, Vasmer proposed a Germanic interpretation: *Dapragaizaz, ‘Having a heavy spear’. This is an attractive suggestion in view of the West Gothic Vandalic antonymical personal name of the 5th c., Radagaisus, ‘Having a light spear’ rats, ‘light’, *gais, ‘spear’. 37.

The Gothic ai normally turned into e at a later stage: e.g., the 6th c. West Gothic name Gësalëcus, ‘Doing a spear dance’,the 5th c. Gothic name Gësimundus, ‘Having spear protection’, the 6th c. East Gothic hypocoristic name Gësila, ‘Having a little spear’, etc. 38.

The unexpected t3 rather than it, before p, can be explained by a Turkic mediation, cf. Turkish Kibris from the Greek K5itpog. After all,we see a Turkic Hunnic ‘Exj.tiyyetpog 39. right alongside our taxiarch *Daprages. It is doubtful that the Greek -ag represents the archaic Germanic -az ending. It may, rather, have been built on the Gothic dative *Daprageza, to which an -ç was added because a man’s name in -a would sound strange in Greek i.e., as if it belonged to a woman, whereas there were many Greek masculine names in -ag.

4.4. The other three Antian names listed by Rospond belonged to an Antian envoy to Avars, to his father, and to his brother. They are recorded in the fragments of a history by Menandros, who wrote in 582 in Byzantium: fltelój. tsvot ‘ohv tatv t&vitoXci.tIow [‘A3dpcov] irthpoj.iatg thg o’tóv re irpea 3cmiaavto thg atro5g, Meça.tpov ray ‘IaptIou, KcXayato0 d6eXqóv, itI tv irpeoctav xctpotoviavtcg. 40.

4.4.1. Rospond interprets the first name as Slavic *Mebmir,, ‘Interglorious’ sic, with the EastSlavic change dl > L4’ Here, we can repeat the objections raised against the reconstruction of Booz as East Slavic Rospond, "Slowiañskie imiona," p.105.

Vozb: such a change was simply impossible for the year 582. The semantics of Me±bmirl is hardly acceptable, either. In Slavic names *..mjrb//*..mërb signified "peaceful community," "the peaceful," or "peace," rather than "glorious," and such names usually contained a verb in the first component *Voldimirb ‘Rule the peaceful’, *Kazimirb ‘Disturb peace’, *Xvalimirb ‘Glorify peace’, etc.. 41.

34. J.J. Mikkola, Die alteren Beruhrungen zwischen Ostseeflnnisch und Russisch Helsinki, 1938, p. 21.

35. Vasmer, "Beitrage," p. 915.
36. Holthausen, Gotisches etymologisches Wörterbuch, pp. 35, 79;

37. Forstemann, Alt deutsches Namenbuch, P. 1211. Cf., with a different interpre-tation, Schönfeld, Wörter buch, pp. 182-83; Naumann, Altnordische Namenstudien, p. 55.

38. Förstemann, Altdeutsches Namenbuch, p. 646; Schonfeld, Wörterbuch, p. 107;

39. Holthausen, Gotisches etymologisches Wörterbuch, p. 35. This name is left unexplained by Gyula Moravcsik, Byzantinoturcica, vol. 2 Berlin, 1958, p. 123.

40. Historici Graeci minores, vol. 2, ed. L. Dindorf Leipzig, 1871, pp. 5-6.

41. Rospond, "Slowiañskie imiona," Pp. 106-107.


The name Mcd.trpog should, instead, be ranked together with the numerous Gothic names in -mirus/ /-mër, with the usual Gothic e/i hesitation, probably because of a narrow pronunciation of ë, 42. from the Proto-Germanic *meraz, ‘glorious’ 43. in Gothic this archaic form is preserved in names only;otherwise mëreis, a 10- stem adjective, is attested to in wailamëreis, ‘of good reputation’.

The first element is usually a noun e.g., 4th c.Fredurnirus ‘Glorious in peace’, Gunde- mirus ‘Glorious in battle’, 6th c. Vidimer ‘Glorious in forests’, 6th c. Thiudemer ‘Glo-rious in the nation’, but not infrequently it is also an adjective e.g., Armirus ‘Glorious for being ready’, 6th c. Vandalic ‘Oánp ‘Glorious for being high’, 6th c. Vanda]Lic Geilamir ‘Glorious for being joyful’, etc... 44.

The first element of Mecd,.tipog can be identified with the Gothic adjective maiza, a masculine comparative meaning "greater." Thus, the Gothic form of our name should be *Mëzamjrs, with the ai > ë change. Its meaning was "Glorious for being greater." It is obvious that such a name would be adapted in its suffix to Greek names of the *Onpog type.

4.4.2. ‘Isapitog is interpreted by Rospond as Slavic *Idar, or *Jdorb. He identifies the anlaut with the Slavic i- in *iii, ‘to go’, or in *mb,‘other’, and the second element with *darb, ‘gift’; he explains -Itog as a Greek dialectal form, rather than as the normal pat-ronymical -thrg suffix. This etymology is so improbable in its Slavic application that its refutation is superfluous. To discredit his etymology even more, Rospond identifies the anlaut in the Old Ukrainian &opb, of Scandinavian origin, with that in his "Slavic" Idarb. In reality, Hopb < Scandinavian Yngvarr comes from *Inguhari, ‘one of Ingu’s Freyr’s army’. 45.

42. Jellinek, Geschichte, p. 45.

43. Naumann, Altnordische Namenstudien, pp. 53, 143; Friedrich Kiuge, Etymologis-ches Worterbuch der deutschen Sprache, 20th ed., by W. Mitzka Berlin, 1967, p. 461.

44. Forstemann, Altdeutsches Namenbuch, p. 570; Schonfeld, Wörterbuch, pp. 104 - 105; Naumann, Altnordische Namenstudien, pp.35, 46, 5 3; Holthausen, Gotisches etymologisches Wörterbuch, pp. 8,32, 40, 124.

45. Naumann, Altnordische Namenstudien, p. 96.


The final -piçtog makes one think of Germanic names with the *rëóaz, ‘rede, advice’ element Gothic *res, usually recorded with antin names and only among Western Goths with an e. 46.

They were often rendered with -ptg by Greek authors. 47.

Examples are 6th c. Vandalic *fctXaptg, genitive TetXdptog, ‘Giving joyful advice’; 6th c. East Gothic Acm5&- ptg ‘Giving people’s advice’, 6th c. East Gothic "Oirraptg ‘Giving oft advice’; 6th c. East Gothic ‘Pdyvaptg ‘Giving council’s advice’; 6th c. East Gothic OháXaptg ‘Giving favorite advice’; Gothic Brandariz ‘Giving sword advice’. 48.

For the first element we can posit the Gothic genitive *idjs, business’, as in West Gothic Itemundus of uncertain date Nordic Iómundr, meaning "Giving business protection." 49.

Thus, if we assume an a-stem in the first component, we would get something like *Jdarjj,s, ‘Giving business advice’. The Greek ending of the name may have been built on the Gothic genitive *Jdarjdjs, in which -is was replaced by -tog, as in *Hjl..büdeis, and -6tog expressed by -tog, because could be a substitute for d as Rospond noted or dj. 50.

4.4.3. Rospond makes KcXayatOg or KeXayaatg into Slavic *Kaligost from *kaliti, ‘make glowingly hot’, for which purpose he takes the erroneous form KaXayaatog. 51.

This interpretation is structurally improbable because Slavic *gostb names usually begin with an adjectival component *Dobrogostb ‘Good guest’; *Milogostb ‘Nice guest’; *Radogostb ‘Welcome guest’, etc..

The name in question has played an important role for Slavists because it seemed to date the fall of diphthongs in Proto Slavic: *Kailagastu > *Kelagastu before a final *Celogostb, ‘Healthy guest’ 52.

46. Burgundian Baldaredus of AD. 487 "Giving bold advice"; 6th c. West Gothic Theodoredus = "Giving people’s advice," etc.

47. Schonfeld, Wörterbuch, pp. 43, 226. Schönfeld, Wärterbuch. p. 69.

48. Schonfeld, Wörterbuch, pp. 105, 154, 178, 184, 251-52; Holthausen, Gotisches etymologisches Wörterbuch, pp. 17, 79, 119.

49. Naumann, Altnordmsche Namenstudien, p. 97; Holthausen, Gotisches etymologisches Worterbuch, p. 54.

50. Hans Krahe, Historische Grammatik des Griechischen Laut- und Formenlehre Wurzburg, 1948, p. 33; H. C. Muller, Ali- und Neugriechisch, fasc. I Leiden, 1895, p. 28.

51. Rospond, "Slowiañskie imiona," p. 107; the mistaken KaXa- is taken from Plezia, p. 84.

Although Rospond also cites Fragmenta historicorum Graecorum. ed. by K. Muller,
vol. 4 Paris, 1851, P. 204, he obviously did not consult this book because it has the
KcXayaaroi3 form, only.

52. Stieber, Zarys. p. 68.

He establishes an improbable Slavic *Kelagasti from KcXayaanjç we only know Slavic names with *..gosta. ‘ Vasmer, "Beitrage," p. 916.


Semantically and structurally, this etymology might be acceptable. But Vasmer noted that the Slavic etymology of this name is not the only possible one. He pointed to the Gothic -gasts names and suggested a connection with the Old Nordic kalla = English call in the first component. 53.

Vasmer was right in the second part of his suggested etymology,only.Germanic *..gastiz names were at least as common as Slavic -gostb ones. But Vasmer’s idea of positing a verbal first component is just as unfortunate as Rospond’s proposal, be-cause Germanic *..gastmz names also begin with semantically adjectival grammati-cally often nominal components: e.g., 6th c. East Gothic Cunigastus, ‘Kin’s guest’; 5th c. Frankish Arvagastes, ‘Quick ready guest’; 4th c. Chamavian Ne3tóyaatog, ‘New guest’; Nordic Gódgestr, ‘Good guest’; 8th c. Frankish Hartigast, ‘Hard guest’, etc. 54.

The Slavic *Kamlagastu etymology can be easily transposed into the Germanic *Hailagastiz, having the same meaning. Such a name is actually known in Germanic Nordic Heilgestr, 55., whereas the Slavic *Célogostb is unknown from any record other than the uncertain place in Menandros. The normal late Gothic form would be *Helagasts. In view of the Gothic names of Kelagastos’s father and brother and of all other Antes known to us, the Gothic etymology of his name is more natural than the Slavic one. K- instead of X- was a frequent Greek and Latin substitution in the early records of Germanic names. 56.

An additional factor could have been the attraction to the Greek names beginning with KeXa for instance, KeXa&avOg, KcXd&og, KéXaog, KcXatvóg, etc.. 57.

5. In concluding, we can state that the Antes were most likely north Pontic Goths an-cestors of the Crimean Goths, rather than Slavs, let alone Eastern Slavs. Their con-flict with the Ostrogoths in the 370s was apparently an intra.. family feud,like the Aust- ro-Prussian war of 1866. This conclusion may sadden Ukrainians, who have become accustomed,since Hrufevśkyj’s time,to consider the Antes as their glorious ancestors. 58.

It may also worry those Circassians who have considered the Antes to be their ancestors since Nogmov’s collection of legends. 59.

Finally, it Vasmer, "Beitrage," p. 916. ‘Schönfeld, Wörterbuch. pp. 31-32, 172; Naumann, Altnordische Namenstudien, pp. 38, 40, 44. "Naumann, Altnordische Namenstudien. p. 146.

56. Schönfeld, Wörterbuch, p. 22.

57. Pape, Wörterbuch, 1:642-43

58. Myxajlo Hrutevśkyj, "Anty," Zapysky Naukovoho tovarvstva im. .ceveenka Lviv, 211898; idem, Istorija, 1:165 ff., 172 ff., 366 ff., 546 ff.

59. Schora-Bekmursin Nogmow, Die Sagen und Lieder des Tscherkessen-Volks Leipzig, 1866, pp. 4 ff. It is possible, however, that some traditions of the Antes were absorbed by Circassian folklore from the Tetraxite Goths - in particular, the tale of Baksan, who was "vom Konige der Gothen mit allen semen Brudern und achtzig der vornehmsten Narten getötet" Nogmow, Die Sagen, pp. 30-31; cf. The place about Booz in Jordanes quoted above.


But myths, though they be part of a national tradition,should not be cultivated in scho- larship. University of Ottawa may worry those Ostyaks and other Finno- Ugric people whose historical pride may have been stirred up by a new Soviet Antian theory. 60.

60. M. V. Fedorova, Slavjane, mordva i anty: K voprosy o jazykovyx svjazjax Vorone, 1976, pp. 62. ff. Anti = Hanti, Ostyaks, an Ob-river Ugric people. The whole book, although published by Vorone University, is amateurish.